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THE IDEA OF FERTILIZATION 

IN THE CULTURE OF THE 

PUEBLO INDIANS 



BY 

HERMAN KARL HAEBERLIX 



Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements 

for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the 

Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University 



Reprinted from the Memoirs of the Anthropological Association. 
Vol. Ill, No. i, pp. 1-55, 1916 



LANCASTER, PA., U. S. A. 
April, 191 6 



.Tq/fis 






THE IDEA OF FERTILIZATION IN THE CULTURE OF 
THE PUEBLO INDIANS 

By H. K. HAEBERLIX 

OF late Graebner and his school have given momentum to dis- 
cussions on scientific method in ethnology. In a well- 
meant attempt to do away with unmethodological work in 
this science, Graebner has written a book on "the Method of 
Ethnology" {Die Method e der Ethnologic, Heidelberg, 191 1). Since 
this treatise is obviously not merely intended to be an exposition of 
the method peculiar to Graebner himself we must infer that he gives 
himself the credit of expounding "the" method Kar' e&xyv of eth- 
nological research. This sweeping claim is brought out in the title 
of the book, as well as in its contents. 

It is but fair to apply to the method of ethnology the same logical 
requirements that are applicable to scientific method in general. 
I take it for granted that Graebner does not wish to exempt eth- 
nological method from these requirements. According to the 
general principles of logic, the method of a given science is the 
"way" or mode of reasoning by which we draw logical inferences 
from the empirical raw material of the given line of research. It 
must be no more. Wundt says: — 

Empirisch soil natiirlich die Methodik der Geisteswissenschaften ebensogut wie 
die der Naturforschung in dem Sinne sein, dass sie in erster Linie auf eine Fest- 
stellung der Erfahrungstatsachen und in zweiter auf eine Verkniipfung derselben 
untereinander ausgeht, wobei die letztere unserem logischen Erklarungsbediirfnisse 
geniigen soil ohne dass etwas zu den Tatsachen hinzugefiigt wird, was in diesem 
Bediirfnis keine zureichende Rechtfertigung findet (Logik Bd. 3, S. 52). 

Is it really possible that Graebner considers his method to fulfill 
this requirement? The clearest expression of the facts seems to me 
to be given by Foy in the preface to Graebner's treatise: — 

Dass es sich bei dieser kulturgeschichtlichen Methode . . . urn eine konsequente 
Durchfiihrung ganz bestimmter Grundsatze (handelt) wird der vorliegende 
Band beweisen (p. xvi). 

I 



2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

The principles that are usually termed the theory of the "Kid- 
turkreislehre" have been expounded by Graebner as "the method" 
of ethnology. If Graebner's book claimed to be nothing more than 
what it really is, namely, a consistent elaboration of subjective 
principles, it would have a theoretical value of its own; but, since 
Graebner has attempted to lay down "the" method of ethnology, 
he is subject to criticism on a broader basis. 

Being conscious of the near relation of ethnology to history and 
at the same time of the admirable qualities of Bernheim's work on 
historical method (Lekrbuch der historischen Methode), Graebner 
employs a scheme of treating his subject that is in many respects 
parallel to that of Bernheim. Nevertheless, Graebner is under the 
impression that the book of Bernheim has a great gap (eine grosse 
Liicke, p. 3) and attempts to supplement this shortcoming by 
accessory considerations. At this point, however, he introduces 
into Bernheim's mold of objective considerations on method those 
subjective principles on which the life and death of the "Kultur- 
kreistheorie" depends. The proclamation of these principles is 
obviously the raison d'etre of Graebner's treatise on the method of 
ethnology. 

If this treatise is characterized as a "konsequente Durchfuhrung 
ganz bestimmter Grundsatze," the question arises just what these 
principles are. As far as I can see, there are two fundamental 
dogmas on which the " Kidturkreistheorie" is constructed. The 
first is that truly objective criteria can be found to determine 
cultural relations and the second that cultural strata are real and 
can be objectively specified. 

The alleged objective criteria of cultural relations are, according 
to Graebner: — 

das Kriterium der Form, d.h. der Ubereinstimmung in Eigenschaften, die sich 
nicht mit Notwendigkeit aus dem Wesen des Objektes ergeben, und das Kriterium 
der quantitativen Ubereinstimmung (p. 108). 

These criteria according to Graebner have the advantage of general 
applicability ("allgemeine Amvendbarkeit," p. 109). This seems to 
me to be the crucial illusion. These criteria are neither generally 
applicable, nor is there any objective means of specifying in each 
case their degree of applicability. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 3 

Let us for the present confine our attention to the criterion of 
form. There are three reasons why this is not objectively applicable. 
Firstly, the different elements of a culture, for instance the material 
culture, social organization, myth motives, emotional values, which 
by the way, are as objectively real as are bows and arrows, cannot 
be reduced to a common denominator of comparison on account of 
their essential qualitative heterogeneity. Secondly, the range of 
cultural possibilities varies in the case of each specific cultural 
phenomenon. 1 Thirdly, cultural phenomena may be transformed 
qualitatively according to the specific nature of psychic actuality. 
For the first reason stated, for example, the objective forms of 
geometric ornaments and the interpretations that may be found 
associated with them show an absolute disparity of the applicability 
of the form criterion. For the second reason, — the varying range of 
possibilities, — languages and forms of descent, for instance, are of 
extreme inequality in the degree of applicability of the criterion of 
form; languages on the one hand being infinitely variable; form of 
descent on the other being necessarily limited in its possibilities. 
The same point is brought out when forms of philosophic speculation 
are compared with such heterogeneous phenomena as those of 
material culture. The monism of Laotse and that of Parmenides 
show a marked degree of identity or similarity. From what we 
know of the development of abstract thinking the probability is 
that a monistic system of speculation is almost essentially developed 
in every higher form of culture. But even when one disregards 
this fact and takes the position of Graebner's postulate of cultural 
relations, is the necessarily vague applicability of the form criterion 
to these monistic philosophies in any way at all comparable to its 
applicability to the pitch of musical instruments, 2 for example? 

Since the applicability of the criterion of form varies infinitely 
within a continuous range of degrees and since we have no third 
criterion to determine in each specific case the absolute degree of its 



1 See Goldenweiser: "The Principle of Limited Possibilities in the Development of 
Culture" {J own. Am. Folk-Lore, Vol. 26). 

2 v. Hornbostel, "Uber ein akustisches Kriterium fur Kulturzusammenhange" 
{Zcitsch. f. Ethn., 1911). 



4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

applicability, the use of this criterion is not feasible, because it in- 
volves an undeterminable variable. 

The criterion of quantity consists in the quantitative coincidence 
of forms. Since this coincidence of forms must be ascertained by 
the criterion of form and this criterion of form involves, as we have 
just seen, an undeterminable variable, the criterion of quantity must 
likewise partake of this undeterminability in its applications. 
Both criteria are, therefore, equally useless in the ascertainment of 
objective cultural relations. 

As if obscurely conscious of the incongruity of his deductions, 
Graebner, in spite of the "objectivity" of his criteria and his usual 
alleged disdain of subjective procedure, makes at times a rather 
sweeping appeal to scientific tact. He writes: — 

Freilich ist mit der Auffindung objektiver und sachlich einwandfreier Kriterien 
nur ein Teil der Arbeit geleistet. Auch das beste Gerat tut seine Dienste nicht 
von selbst, sondern bedarf der richtigen Anwendung. Allgemeine Regeln werden 
sich dafur kaum aufstellen lassen; sie ist zum grossen Teil eine Sache des Taktes, 
des Feingefuhls, vor allem wieder der Selbstkritik (p. 125). 

This appeal may seem rather surprising when advanced by an in- 
vestigator who promptly characterizes the somewhat finer scientfic 
tact and the more searching self-criticism of other scientists, when 
opposed to his axioms, as a horror of space and time ("eine Scheu 
vor dem Raume und der Zeit," p. 115). 

The second fundamental principle of the " Kulturkreislehre" 
and of "the method" of ethnology is, as already stated, that of the 
reality and determinability of cultural strata {Kulturschichten), 
which implies per se the secondary axiom of the diffusion of a culture 
as a whole. This a priori assumption determines the conception 
that Graebner has of the problems of ethnology. 

Aus welchen Kulturschichten setzt sich die einzelne Kultureinheit zusammen; 
welcher Kulturschicht gehort das einzelne Kulturelement, die einzelne Kultur- 
form an, und wie sind diese Kulturschichten, Kulturelemente und Kulturformen 
aufeinander gefolgt? (p. xvi). 

This ethnological method is statistical, as well as geological. In 
his summary of Graebner's treatise Ankermann says: — • 

Die gesammte Geschichte einer Kultur muss sich schliesslich in ihrer Zusam- 
mensetzung abspiegeln. Wenn wir also gevvissermassen einen Querschnitt durch 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATIOX IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE $ 

eine Kultur machen konnten, so wiirden wir die Schlchten sehen, aus denen sie 
besteht, und wiirden daraus Schliisse auf ihre Entwicklung ziehen konnen, wie der 
Geolog aus der Aufeinanderfolge der Sedimente die Geschichte der Erdrinde 
abliest. 1 

This leads us to a discussion of a fundamental concept involved 
in the study of the cultural development of man; namely to what 
Wundt calls the actuality of psychic life. 2 Graebner's "Kultur- 
schichten" are static in the same sense as are the sediments of 
geology. According to him, a culture, just like a vertical section of 
geological layers, consists of the sum total of these static elements. 
Whereas in Wundt's conception, culture is a dynamic phenomenon 
is the truest sense of the word and in its entirety is something beyond 
the mere sum of all its constituent parts. For instance, in the 
psychic development of the individual, as well as in that of culture 
objective, ethical concepts have developed from non- or pre-ethical 
motives. When we consider that our ethical concepts are foreign 
to more primitive cultures, we ask, how we could explain and con- 
ceive the existence of these ethical concepts, if not by the idea of 
dynamic development of psychic life. The ethical concepts and 
the antecedent motives, which in the course of development have 
led up to them, are qualitatively distinct and therefore incompar- 
able. The result is thus something new — something creatively new. 
The psychological principle involved is called by Wundt the heter- 
ogeny of ends, which signifies: — 

dass in den gesamten Umfang menschlicher Willensvorgange die Wirkungen 
der Handlungen mehr oder weniger weit iiber die urspriinglichen Willensmotive 
hinausreichen, so dass hierdurch fur kiinftige Handlungen neue Motive entstehen, 
die abermals neue Wirkungen hervorbringen an denen sich nun der gleiche Prozess 
der Umwandlung von Erfolg in Motive wiederholen kann. 3 

What has just been applied specifically to ethical concepts is of 
universal applicability in cultural development. How then can we 
"read-off" the history of a culture from its " Kulturschichten" in 
the same way that a geologist deciphers his layers? How can we 

1 Ankermann, "Die Lehre von den Kulturkreisen " (Korrespondenzblatt der 
Gesellschaft f. Anlhrop., Ethn. und Ur geschichte, Bd. 42, p. 159); compare, Foy, Fiihrer 
des Museums filr Volkerkunde in Coelm, p. 17. 

2 Logik, Band 3. S. 260. 

s Ethik, 3, Aufl. Bd. 1, S. 274-5. 



6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

analyze by a scheme of geological preconceptions a phenomenon 
which, due to its very nature, can be understood only from the per- 
spective of psychical actuality? 

These considerations, which demonstrate the evanescent nature 
of cultural strata, constitute at the same time the third reason 
already alluded to, why Graebner's criteria are not objectively 
applicable. 

Obviously the notion of cultural stratifications implies the other 
idea of the cohesion of a culture in all its parts. This assumption 
is essential in order that the alleged affiliations of a culture be readily 
detected wherever found. For Graebner cultural contact is a mere 
superimposition of cultural complexes. The idea of the fossilized 
permanence and cohesion of all elements of a cultural complex 
enters into all the considerations of the " Kulturkreislehre." With it 
Graebner expounds the method of determining the chronology of 
cultural strata (p. 160), of reconstructing mathematically "durch 
eine Art Substraktionsverfahren " (p. 125) the history of civilization, 
and stamps the idea of the diffusion of isolated cultural traits as 
" kulturgeschichtlicher Nonsens" (p. 116). 

While cultural constancy is, of course, a prominent phenomenon 
in cultural development, it is of a nature different from the concep- 
tion Graebner and his school have of it. While some cultures, like 
that of the Pueblo, show a very marked degree of constancy, others, 
like that of the Cheyenne, for example, who within the range of two 
hundred years have changed their culture completely, seem almost 
to be characterized by their very inconstancy. The range of de- 
grees of constancy is unlimited. On account of this intensive 
variability, cultural constancy is clearly but of relative significance, 
not of an intrinsic one, as would have to be the case, if it were useful 
for the reconstruction of cultural strata. An a priori generalization 
of cultural constancy is therefore a misconception. Where phe- 
nomena are of a singular nature, scientific investigation must be 
based on the individual empirical data themselves. A generaliza- 
tion is possible only after their analysis. 

Furthermore, the constancy of a culture does not imply its 
cohesion as a whole in the process of diffusion, as the theory of 



haeberlix] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 7 

cultural strata necessarily postulates. Cultures do not necessarily 
diffuse as a whole, nor is that the common mode of diffusion. It is 
obvious, for instance, that a type of diffusion has taken place from 
the Northwest coast to the Plateau area and from the Pueblo to the 
Navajo that has extended only to limited and more or less disso- 
ciated parts of the participating cultures. 

Graebner has, as we have seen, introduced postulates into his 
method of ethnology that are highly problematic and far from being 
objective. We agree with him that it is desirable to insist on metho- 
dological efficiency in all ethnological investigations. But since 
method is logically but a means to an end and does not purpose to 
prove a theory, it must be insisted that we need method in all our 
work, but never a special and preconceived kind of method. 

The various objections that have been brought up in the fore- 
going discussions against Graebner's " Kulturkreislehre"axe ulti- 
mately included in the one fact that Graebner excludes a priori 
from his considerations the psychological problem of cultural de- 
velopment. The way in which Graebner refers to psychology is, 
I believe, instructive for his point of view in general. Purely 
formally it is interesting to note that he leaves this discussion for 
the very last paragraph of his book. After speaking of the im- 
portance of the knowledge of the human psyche, Graebner says:— 

Yon grosster Bedeutung ist sie (die psychologische Begabung) aber iiberall da, wo 
die objectiv methodischen Kriterien keine eindeutigen Schlusse ergeben und also 
die Hypothese eingreifen muss. Wo etwa die Entwicklungsfolge mehrerer 
Formen, wo die Zugehorigkeit einer Erscheinung zu dieser oder jener Kultur- 
gruppe nicht objektiv festzustellen ist, da werden die Probleme zu Fragen der 
psychischen Kausalitat (p. 170). 

It seems to me that this is a most superficial manner to treat of 
psychology. Graebner, after having abolished the psychological 
problem a priori from all of his "objective" considerations reserves 
the right to reintroduce it as a convenient material to fill out the 
gaps in the "general" applicability of his "objective" criteria. 
While this psychological appendix of Graebner's treatise cannot 
be regarded as a serious attempt to cope with psychological prob- 
lems, Ankermann's standpoint is clearly defined and merits at- 



8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

tention. After summarizing the considerations of Graebner he 
adds: — 

Damit sind aber naturlich nicht samtliche ethnologischen Probleme gelost. 
Es bleibt noch die Erforschung der Entwicklungsreihen lind der Ursachen der 
Kulturerscheinungen. Das ist eine ganz andere Aufgabe, die auch eine ganz 
andere Methode erfordert nicht eine historische, sondern eine psychologische. 
Aber wir werden diese Aufgabe mit viel grosserer Aussicht auf Erfolg in Angriff 
nehmen konnen, wenn erst die vorhin beschriebenen Untersuchungen durch- 
gefuhrt sind (op. cit., p. 161-2). 

From this it is obvious that Ankermann, taking an independent 
position in this respect, does not advocate the " Kulturkreislehre" 
because he is unconscious of the existence of real psychological 
problems, but because he assumes that the historical and the psy- 
chological phenomena can be investigated quite independently. 
This is, however, I believe a crucial error. The psychic sjde of 
culture cannot be disposed of as an accessory element and does not 
exist independently, but is at every point in time and space in- 
herently associated with the other side of culture, with the historical 
side. The psychical and the historical are but two different as- 
pects of the same thing. Every cultural phenomenon involves 
some psychic process, which determines the singularity of its sig- 
nificance. Thus every individual case of diffusion, for example, is 
not a mechanical phenomenon of historical contact and therefore 
not automatic, but is rather a phenomenon with a specific psy- 
chological content and is therefore of a singular nature. How then 
can we separate in our investigations phenomena which are char- 
acterized by their inseparable coherence? 

The disregard of the intrinsic association of all psychic and 
historical phenomena seems to me to be the real stumbling-block of 
all discussions on parallelism versus " Kulturverwandtschaft" and 
vice versa. It is impossible that the two sides ever agree or that 
the one refutes the other, as long as the fact just mentioned is 
neglected. The one side, emphasizing the psychological problem 
alone will continue to find " Elementargedanken ," while the other 
side, laying all stress on what it regards as the real historical facts, 
will continue to decipher imaginary strata of culture. Each side 
will contend that the other must be the first to prove its thesis em- 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 9 

pirically. The refutation brought about of the " Ktdturkreislehre" 
is not affected by demonstrating the greater plausibility of indepen- 
dent development, but by pointing out fundamental errors of 
method. 

On account of the singular nature of all cultural phenomena the 
only logical conclusion with regard to method is that the individual 
phenomena as such must be the starting point of ethnological in- 
vestigation. Our attitude towards the phenomena must be free of 
all assumptions that preclude the objective study of any of its 
phases, of such assumptions for instance that blind our vision to- 
wards psychological problems. All generalizations must follow 
from an analysis and comparison of the individual phenomena. 

When comparing Navajo ceremonies with those of the Hopi, 
one finds that the external similarity of details in the ceremonies of 
the two peoples (prayer-sticks with facets, pollen, yucca suds, 
specific forms of the masks, nine-days duration of ceremonies, etc.) 
is so great that a denial of most extensive borrowing would be ab- 
surd, even if we did not know from other sources of the close cul- 
tural contact between the two peoples. Equally certain and equally 
objective as this historical inter-relation, however, is the other fact 
that the psychological setting of the Navajo ceremonies is alto- 
gether different from that of the Hopi ceremonies. While the great 
Navajo ceremonies are all focused on the healing of the sick, 1 those 
of the Hopi are obviously directed on the production of fertility for 
the fields. This is a generalization that can be gained from an an- 
alysis of the specific phenomena of the rites. The bull-roarer, to 
take but one example, is used in the ceremonies of both peoples and 
is beyond a doubt historically interrelated. But while among the 
Hopi it is unmistakably associated with the production of rain, the 
shaman of the Navajo, after swinging it applies it to specific parts 
of the body of the patient with the object of curing him. 2 From 
this we are justified in inferring that the psychological attitude of 
the Hopi priest and that of the Navajo shaman towards the bull- 

1 Matthews, Navaho Legends, p. 40. 

2 Tozzer, "Notes on Religious Ceremonials of the Navaho," Putnam Anniv. 
Vol., p. 336. 



10 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

roarer differ fundamentally in spite of the historical identity of the 
objective side of this instrument. In each case an entirely different 
group of concepts or, probably more exactly, of collective repre- 
sentations, 1 is involved. A discussion of the ceremonial use of 
pollen, snakes, 2 prayer-sticks, etc., in the Navajo and Hopi rites 
would bring out the same point. The diffusion of the material sub- 
stratum, so to say, of a cultural phenomenon by no means implies 
the simultaneous diffusion of the associated ideas. These psy- 
chological associations, though integral parts of a culture, do not 
exist for Graebner. They evade the "objective" form criterion 
and thus do not lend themselves to the book-keeping of the "Kul- 
turschichten." 

What pertains to diffusion also holds good for the variable 
stability of cultural traits. The degree of constancy of a culture is 
not open to a purely historical explanation. The marked con- 
stancy of the Northwest Coast culture and the relative incon- 
stancy of that of the Plateau area cannot be "read-off" from any 
cultural strata but involve a psychological problem of a peculiar type. 

Schematically considered, cultures are characterized by their 
psycho-historical relation to other cultures on the one hand and by 
the psycho-historical genesis of its "setting" on the other. These 
two sides of cultural development, which may be called the ex- 
tensive and the intensive lines of causal interrelations, are, of course, 
again inherently interlinked. While a culture like that of the 
Plateau area is characterized by the passivity of its relations to other 
cultures and by the lack of originality in its setting, the culture of 
the Pueblo offers an altogether different picture. It is true that 
the process of extensive diffusion is equally evident here as in the 
Plateau area and numerous elements of the Pueblo culture, as for 
instance agriculture, the emergence idea, the water serpent, the 
hoop and pole game, and many others, are found diffused over large 
areas of North America and are in no way in themselves character- 
istic of the Pueblo culture. Still this culture shows an originality 
in its setting, which is just as objectively real as are drums and clubs 

1 Levy-Bruhl, Les fonctions men tales dans les socicles inferieures, Chap. 1. 

2 Tozzer, op. tit., p. 330. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE II 

for Graebner. The setting of the Pueblo culture, which is in no 
way equal to the sum of all its traits diffused from without 
implies a process of active assimilation of all diffused elements, 
which focuses the most heterogeneous phenomena in a definite and 
characteristic direction. 

Let us take a concrete example. The area of the occurrence 
of the hoop and pole game in North America shows, on account of 
the continuity of the area and the complexity of the phenomenon, 
a case of extensive diffusion. The ideas, however, which have be- 
come associated with it in different areas, as among the Pueblo and 
in the Plains, are so heterogeneous that the ceremonial usages of the 
game are, in spite of its formal identity, psychologically quite 
distinct cultural phenomena. When we find that a large number of 
traits of Pueblo culture show "diverted" associations of this kind 
and that the different series of associations among themselves again 
display the same psychological trend, we have a means of character- 
izing this culture as distinct from others and of specifying its psy- 
chological setting. 

The specific psychological characteristics of the Pueblo culture 
I have designated tentatively by the term of the "idea of fertiliza- 
tion." It must be insisted that this term possesses but the heuristic 
value of a catch-word. The idea of fertilization does not, of course, 
embrace the cultural setting of the Pueblo in its whole complexity 
any better than would the idea of healing the sick exhaust that of 
the Navajo. For the present, however, I think the term is suffi- 
ciently expressive, not to characterize the Pueblo culture ex- 
haustively, but to indicate its characteristic trend in contradistinc- 
tion to that of other cultures. This characteristic trend I shall try 
to specify on the following pages. 

The relativity of the value of our catch-word appears further- 
more from the fact that, in spite of the great similarity in the culture 
of the various Pueblo peoples, there are marked differences. The 
culture of the Sia, for example, would seem to be less distinct from 
that of the Navajo than is the culture of the Hopi. It must be 
borne in mind that no culture area is uniform in all its parts. The 
question before us is not, whether the setting of the Pueblo culture 



12 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

when conceived in its geographical limits does not overlap at any 
point with that of another culture, but whether an analysis thereof 
brings out objective traits of the nucleus of the culture, which per- 
mit a characterization of its specific connotations. 

The complementary conceptions of a Sky-father and of an 
Earth-mother, which are found in the Old World, 1 have also a 
wide area of occurrence in the New World. In North America this 
area is obviously continuous. W 7 hile the ideas were typically 
developed in Central America and Mexico, they are also a universal 
feature of the tribes of the Southwestern cultural area, thus of all 
the Pueblo peoples, 2 the Navajo, 3 Apache, 4 Mission Indians, 5 
Mohave, 6 and many others. They are furthermore common in the 
Plains, for example among the Pawnee, 7 Wichita, 8 and Omaha. 9 
Morgan speaks of the same conceptions among the Iroquois. 
These instances may suffice to point out at least the general trend 
of distribution. The above-named ideas seem to be foreign to the 
mode of thinking of the tribes of the Northwest Coast and of the 
Mackenzie area, for example. As far as I can see, the distribution 
of these conceptions in North America corresponds closely to that 
of agriculture and thus somewhat more vaguely to that of pottery. 
What these coincidences mean future investigations will have to 
show. 

Hence, the idea of the complementary sky and earth beings 
itself does not constitute a unique characteristic of the Pueblo. 
I shall, however, attempt to show that on account of the typical 
associations which this idea has met with in the culture of these 
peoples, it has found a specific expression characteristic of the center 
of the Southwestern culture area. 



1 Compare for example Sanskrit, Dyans-pilar (dyaus-heaven); Greek, Zeus; and 
Latin, Jupiter (Jovpater). 

2 Dr. Spinden kindly informed me from his unpublished material that among 
the Tewa of the Rio Grande "the Sky-father and the Earth-mother are very general 
concepts and are doubtlessly complementary." 

3 Reference 56, p. 35. 

4 Personal information from Dr. Goddard. 

6 Reference 18, p. 187. 6 Reference 4, p. 178. 

7 Reference 17, p. 14-16. 8 Reference 15, p. 19-20. 

9 Reference 54, very frequently alluded to by Miss Fletcher; reference 55, p. 733. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 1 3 

When speaking of the center of a culture area, we are, of course, 
aware of the relativity of this term, especially in the realm of my- 
thology and religion. Mythological and religious concepts are often 
so vague and their historical fates so varied, that with reference to 
them we cannot always hope to make a clear and sharp distinction 
between cultural centers and marginal regions. In our interpre- 
tations we shall therefore from time to time draw neighboring tribes 
of the Southwest into the range of our considerations of the Pueblo 
culture. 

In the mind of the Zuni.the Awonawilona, which Cushing calls 
"All-container" and which Mrs. Stevenson evidently conceives as 
manitou, is vague and changeable. In its concrete form it is con- 
ceived as "the blue vault of the firmament," 1 which sends the 
lightning and the accompanying rains. It is psychologically in- 
teresting that the Sky-god and the Sun-god are interchangeable 
concepts. While the Sky-god seems to exist only in theory, so to 
say, it is always the Sun-god, or more correctly the Sun-bearer, 
who figures as the mythological hero. Where the dramatic action 
of mythology does not come into play, the Sky-father and the Sun 
seem to be interchangeable and are probably not clearly distin- 
guished in the mind of the natives. Thus it is sometimes the sky 
and sometimes the sun that is conceived as fructifying Earth-mother. 

This concept of fructification is in the mind of the Indians either 
general or quite concrete and specific. In its general form it is, as it 
seems, the more or less speculative idea of the sky lying on and 
embracing earth-mother. 2 In its specific mythological form the 
concept, so common in the Southwest, is that of a woman, obviously 
an Earth-goddess, who while lying down is impregnated either by a 
sunbeam or by a drop of water. Then again it is the rain in general 
that affects the union and the fertilization. The interrelation of the 
associations is evident. Psychologically it is interesting, that the 
Hopi and Zufii, when petitioning for rain — an act of a very concrete 
and practical purport — do not address the sky, as one would logically 
expect, but the sun, 3 or, if you like, the personification associated 
with it. 



1 Reference 85, p. 23. 

2 Reference 7, p. 379. 3 35, p. 85. 



14 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

A concept of the kind just discussed must, of course, be regarded 
as a psychological complex of associated ideas, saturated with 
emotional values of the group. 1 Since complexity is of the very 
nature of this concept, we must guard against its undue simplifica- 
tion through analysis. 

As stated above, the complementary concepts referred to are 
themselves, not at all restricted to the Southwest. The Pawnee, 
for example, call the earth, the mother who gives birth to all things. 
But the way in which the idea of gestation and parturition is carried 
out and the religious role it plays in the Southwest, is not paralleled, 
as far as I am aware, in any part of America, north of Mexico. 
In speaking of the Hopi, Fewkes says: — 

The earth in their conception always existed, and, following the analogy of growing 
vegetation, organisms were given out of the earth or were born like animals. 
The earth to them is not a creation but a mother, the genetrix of lesser gods and 
animals, and the ancestor or first of the human race. 2 

Matthews believes the story of the emergence to be a myth of 
gestation and birth. 3 The earth-woman, known in the myths 
characteristic of the Southwest under various names, such as "The 
Woman of the Hard Substances" (Hopi) or "The Woman who 
Changes" (Navajo, Apache), is generally conceived as cohabiting 
with the sun and giving birth to the war-gods. In other versions 
she creates the ancestors of various clans from her epidermis. 4 
The Mission Indians of Southern California, who in many respects 
belong to the Southwestern culture area, conceive the earth and the 
heavens as cohabiting. The earth not only gives birth to the great 
Ouiot, but also to mankind in general. 5 The figure reproduced by 
Kroeber representing the emergence of the people from "The 
Mother of All" leaves no doubt as to the conception of parturition. 

An association not uncomparable with the one of the sky and 
the sun exists also between the earth and the moon. The idea 



1 For a discussion of the concept of the collective representation see reference 64, 
Chap. 1. 

2 27, p. 350-1. 

3 73. P- 738. 

4 72, p. 95. and 71. p. 31. 

6 18, p. 187, and 63, p. 312-14. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 15 

appears clearly in a Pima myth, in which Earth Doctor, the univer- 
sal creator, says: — 

I shall unite earth and sky; the earth shall be as a female and the sky as a male, 
and from their union shall be born one who will be a helper to me. Let the sun 
be joined with the moon, also even as man is wedded to woman, and their off- 
spring shall be a helper to me. 1 

Among the Pawnee the moon, a female, cohabits with the sun, a 
male, and gives birth to the first man. 2 

The following is an interesting passage taken from a Tewa myth 
recorded by Lummis. P'ah-hlee-oh, the Moon-maiden, was the 
first woman. Of her was typical the Mah-pah-roo, the Mother, 
i. e., an ear of corn with feathers. She was the seed of all humanity 
and the mother of all things, as the sun was the father of all things. 
The Moon-maid was the companion and wife of the Sun. 3 

The Tewa 4 and Keres 5 regard sun-father and moon-mother as 
their principal deities. The moon-mother of the Keres is repre- 
sented by the yaya, or "mother," which corresponds to the Sia 
Idrriko and the Hopi tiponi. Again, the Sia emblem is unequivocaly 
associated with "your mother in the world below." 6 

When speaking of these associations of the earth and the moon 
and their respective deities, it is necessary to avoid intentionally 
the term of identity. Although equations of this kind are commonly 
used by investigators to simplify their interpretations, they are 
certainly not psychologically warranted. It would be absurd to 
draw from the common traits of a moon and an earth-goddess, the 
inference that the people in whose religion these deities occur really 
conceive the moon as such and the earth as such as identical or 
even as similiar concepts. On account of their common associations 
these deities may of course fuse and then be conceived as one per- 
sonification with one name. The only term that is correctly 
applicable and that does not say more than is warranted by the 

1 78, p. 208. 

2 20, p. 743, and 14, p. 4. 

3 69, p. 71-72. 

4 1, p. 308. 

5 1, p. 288-9. 

6 82, p. 40-41. 



16 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

data is that of associations, — in this case, of associations between 
the earth on the one hand and the moon on the other. The de- 
cisive point seems to be that the beings that figure in primitive 
religion and mythology, never having undergone a logical specifica- 
tion and systematization, are not clearly definable, are not "fin- 
ished" products of the human mind, but are rather subject to 
kaleidoscopic changes due to the shifting angle of apperception of 
the folk as a whole as well as of its constituent individuals. Thus 
in some myths, ceremonies, and customs the specific associations of 
a goddess with the moon may come into prominence more clearly 
than in others; we should then for the sake of brevity and conven- 
ience speak of a Moon-goddess. In other cases the associations 
to the earth may stand in the foreground; we should then briefly 
speak of an Earth-goddess. These terms do not imply that the 
associations of this goddess with the moon or the earth, as found in 
this area, exhaust all the possible or actual associations of the deity 
in the mind of the people. It is an a priori fact, that the whole 
wealth of specific experiences may enter into the religious and myth- 
ological imagination of a people. After these considerations I 
hope I shall not be misunderstood when I speak for the sake of 
practicability simply of a Moon or an Earth-goddess, or of similar 
concepts. 

According to Cushing l an important being of Zuni mythology 
is, 

the gentle moon, mother of the women of men, through whose will are born the 
children of women, the representative in this system of deities of the Shewan-okao 
(Mrs. Stevenson writes Shiwano-'ka), or seed-priestess, younger sister of the 
priests of the temple. . . . 

The complementary pair of deities, Shiwanni, corresponding to 
the heavens, and Shiwano-'ka, the "Earth-mother" - corresponds 
exactly to the Ashiwanni (plural of Shiwanni), the Zuni rain priests 
and to Shiwano-'ka, the Priestess of Fecundity, in the Zufii cere- 
monial organization. 

In this way the idea of fertilization finds in the Zuni religion a 

1 6, p. 191. 
- 84, p. 3.1-34- 



haeberlix] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 1 7 

double expression in a god and a goddess on the one hand and in a 
society of priests and a priestess on the other. This complex of 
associations seems to me to constitute a striking characteristic of the 
center of the Southwestern culture area. 

It may be of interest to note the general tendency in the South- 
west to conceive the two complementary beings as brother and sister. 
Among the Luisefio the sky is a brother of the earth. 1 The Zuhi 
regard the sun and the moon as brother and sister. 2 In a myth 
motive common to the Zuhi, Navajo, and Luisefio, a brother and 
sister entertain unlawful connubium. Siwulu*siwa and Siwulu 1 - 
si*sa, 3 as they are called in the Zuhi version, and First Man and 
First Woman of the Navajo version 4 become conscious of their 
crime. The Luiseno version identifies them clearly as the Sky and 
Earth-mother. 5 The Zuhi couple gives birth to the Koyemshi, 
the masked personators of whom are closely associated with the 
idea of fertility in the ceremonial organization. In the face of these 
facts one might be led to ask whether the concept of the blood-crime 
possibly denotes an accentuation of the idea of sexuality, but I dare 
not offer an explanation of the connubium of brother and sister. 

In the Hopi myths and ceremonies there appears a large number 
of goddesses; called YVuhti (Women), who have different names, 
but whose attributes and functions are so similar that there can be 
no doubt as to the identity of the ideas underlying their personi- 
fications. Fewkes attributes this multiplicity to the composite 
nature of the Tusayan population. He says: — 

The Earth-Mother appears under various names, which differ in different clans, 
apparently indicating that before the various clans now composing any one Hopi 
pueblo were united, each was familiar with the conception of an Earth-Mother, 
and denominated this being by a clan name, as Old Woman, Goddess of Germs> 
Spider Woman and various other appelations. 6 

The question, of course, remains open, whether we are here dealing 
with a case of convergence or one of assimilation. 

1 iS. p. 187. 

2 85, p. 109. 

3 85, p. 32-33; 84, p. 35-36; 7. P- 404-5- 

4 70, p. 69-70. 

6 19, p. 129-32. 

6 40, p. 90; see also 34, p. 49, and 33, p. 449. 



lb AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

According to a Hopi origin myth recorded by Voth x Huruing 
Wuhti, "Hard Being Woman, i. e., woman of that which is hard" 
(shells, corals, turquoise, beads) lived in the ocean in the east. 
Another Huruing Wuhti lived in the ocean in the west. Each 
lived in a kiva. The sun, who also existed at the time, traveled 
continually from the eastern kiva to the western kiva, emerging in 
the morning from the hatchway of the former and entering in the 
evening the hatchway of the latter. During the night he would 
continue his journey under the water from west to east. 

According to another version 2 there was only one Huruing 
Wuhti, who lived in the west. She "owned the moon, the stars 
and all the hard substances, such as beads, corals, shells, etc." 
This evidently shows an association of the "hard substances" with 
the moon. The sun lived away in the east. Huruing Wuhti sent 
the moon to fetch the Sun. The sun thereupon traveled from the 
east to the west to visit the Wuhti. When he arrived the W 7 uhti 
said to him: "Thanks that you have come, my father, because you 
shall be my father." "Yes," the Sun said, "and you shall be my 
mother, and we shall own all things together." Hereupon the sun 
and the woman created by magic birds, animals, and man. 

Huruing Wuhti (Fewkes writes the name Hu-zru-in-wu q-ti) 
also plays a prominent role in the legend of the Snake ceremony. 
Of this there are a number of variations in the several villages. 
These variations are, although often contradictory, remarkably 
similar and bring out with great constancy the traits and actions 
attributed to Huruing Wuhti and to Tiyo, the Snake Hero. These 
two present characteristics which show their association with the 
earth and moon, on the one hand, and with the sun on the other. 
The purport of all the variations of the so-called snake legend is 
that a youth travels to the place where the sun sets and thence to 
the underworld. After various adventures he returns with the 
secrets of the Snake ceremony. 

Tiyo, the son of a chief, lived with his people at the Grand 
Canon, 3 a place, which is distinctly associated in the mind of the 

1 89, p. 1. 

2 89, p. 5 et seq. 

3 90, P- 349; 12, p. 255. 



HAEberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 1 9 

Hopi, with the sipapu, the orifice through which the people emerged 
from the underworld. 1 This sipapu is associated with the rising 
and setting sun. Tiyo wonders where all the water of the river 
flows to. He therefore decides to float down the river to investigate. 
After a series of experiences that vary in the different versions, 
Tiyo comes to the kiva of Huruing Wuhti situated at the mouth of 
the river. 2 The walls of her kiva are decorated with beads, tur- 
quoise, shells and the like, the "hard substances." Huruing 
Wuhti at first appears to Tiyo as an old ugly hag. But having the 
power of changing her form, she becomes a beautiful maiden at 
night. The Walpi version speaks of her as the "kind mother" with 
tender and generous heart. According to the Mishongnovi and the 
Shipaulovi versions Huruing Wuhti, after taking the form of a 
beautiful maiden, invites Tiyo to sleep with her. In the Walpi 
and Oraibi versions the sun-man, a handsome youth, descends into 
the kiva of the Wuhti, while Tiyo is there. He invites Tiyo to 
accompany him on his journey under the earth. They descend 
into the earth through the sipapu in the floor of the kiva of the 
Wuhti. In the middle of the earth below they visit Mii-i-yih'-wuh, 
the God of the Underworld and of Germination. 3 

In spite of the contradictions of the various versions, I believe 
that Tiyo is more correctly a sun-god or rather that his associations 
with the sun are unmistakable. Equally clear are the relations of 
Huruing Wuhti to the earth and the moon. Thus she lives in a 
kiva into the hatchway of which the sun descends in the evening; 
she is the controller of the moon; at night she becomes a beautiful 
maiden; she is the kind mother and creates animals and men; her 
relations to the sun-god are unequivocal. 

The same woman in the west also figures prominently in the 
mythology of the Athapascan of the Southwest. Esdzanadlehe, 
" Woman-who-changes," as the San Carlos Apache call her, is in the 
myths regarded as the mother of the wife of the sun, but in the songs 
she appears as his wife. The Jicarilla Apache say that the earth 

1 37. P- 106. 

2 37, p. ii2 et seq.; 12, p. 258 et seq.; 90, p. 350 et seq.; 89, p. 33 et seq. 

3 37. P- 113- 



20 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

was made of the body of this woman, the Rio Grande being her 
backbone and Pikes Peak her head. 1 Estsanatlehi, "Woman-who- 
changes," of the Navajo lives in a house in the west which is just 
like that of the sun in the east. 2 She is the wife of the sun and mother 
of the war-gods. 3 

The distribution of these myth motives regarding the earth- 
goddess and her specific relations to the sun and to the twin war- 
gods is not coextensive with the much wider distribution of Sky- 
father and Earth-mother. These latter concepts are not, as we 
have seen, in themselves characteristic of the Pueblo, but their 
secondary associations, at least among the Hopi, with the Snake- 
Antelope ceremony and thus with a very specific expression of the / 
idea of fertilization seem to me to be typical of the center of the 
culture area in question. We shall later on find a similar condition 
of affairs brought out in the case of the twin war-gods. 

The idea of the emergence of mankind from the inside of the 
earth to its surface is likewise not confined to the Southwest. It is 
found in the Plains. 4 In the Southwest it seems to be characterized 
more or less distinctly by an association with the analogous idea of 
gestation and parturition. The case of the Luiseno has already 
been mentioned. 5 In the Zuiii creation myths, according to Gush- 
ing, the sexual intercourse of Sky-father and Earth-mother causes 
the latter to conceive in her ample womb the races of man. 6 The 
womb is the underworld through which the people had to pass be- 
fore reaching the surface of the earth. 

Another phenomenon distinctly characteristic of Pueblo culture 
is the elaboration of the idea of the sipapu as the place of emergence. 
This is brought out very clearly by a comparison of the Pueblo 
with the Navajo. The myth of emergence of this latter people is 
almost literally the same as some of its versions among the Pueblo, 
but still the specific ceremonial significance of the sipapu is entirely 
absent. 



1 Personal information from Dr. Goddard. 

2 56. P- 355- 

3 70, p. 105-6; 72, p. 95; 71, p. 19. 

4 For example among the Ankara: 16, p. 12-17. 
6 63, p. 312-14. 

6 8, p. 1 ; 7. P- 379 and 382. 



HAEBERLIN] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 21 

It is necessary to distinguish between the mythical sipapu, 
which is conceived as the place of emergence of mythical times, and 
the ceremonial sipapu, which is the concrete counterpart of the 
mythical one. The mythical sipapu of the Hopi is, according to 
Fewkes, 

the traditional opening through which, in ancient times, the people came to the 
earth's surface, and is associated in the Indian mind with that opening through 
which individuals as well as races are born. 1 

It is the exit from the underworld, where the house of the sun and 
the earth-goddess is and where the latter gave birth to the clans of 
man. 2 The Hopi usually conceive it as located in the Grand Canon. 3 

The sipapu is thought of as the opening to the underworld, the 
place of fertility. But lakes and springs are also conceived as 
passages of communication to this place and are more or less con- 
sciously identified as sipapus. The Rio Grande Pueblo quite 
generally claim that they emerged from a lake or lagune. The Taos 
lived in a lake before migrating from the north to their present 
home. 4 The Tewa of the upper Rio Grande locate th,e lagune of 
their birth in southern Colorado and call it Ci-bo-be or Shi- pa p-u. 5 
Similar beliefs are recorded from the Tewa of Ysleta near El Paso, 
Texas, 6 the Jemez, 7 Sia, 8 and Acoma. 9 

In the ceremonial life of the Pueblo various devices are looked 
upon as passages of communication with the deities of germination 
below. Thus in the Snake-Antelope ceremony the plank, upon 
which the dancers stamp in the public performances, is regarded as a 
sipapu. In the Oraibi Powamu a sand mosaic is used which is 
representative of the sipapu. 10 From the center of it leads a yellow 
line, — the path of life. A medicine bowl standing on the middle of 

1 38, p. 20. 

2 40, p. 86. 

3 24, p. 227; 52, p. 35; 88, p. 68. 

4 74. P- 42. 

6 3, p. in; 1, p. 303. 

6 25, p. 71. 

7 2, p. 207-8; 1, p. 315. 

8 82, p. 39. 

9 61, p. 299. 

10 8S, Plate 53. 



22 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

a pile of sand, on which are drawn six lines corresponding to the 
cardinal points and representing the earth, is also used to represent 
the mythical orifice. 1 The principal and constant ceremonial sipa- 
pus, however, are the orifices in the floor of the Hopi and Zuni 
kivas. 2 

They have been called "symbolic" of the mythical sipapu, out 
of which the people emerged. I would like to call attention to the 
fact that, although the term "symbolic" may be used for the sake 
of convenience of expression, the sipapu of the kiva is conceived 
by the natives as a real opening to the underworld and in so far is 
not at all symbolic. The distinction between the symbolizing and 
the symbolized object often corresponds to our own ideas, but not 
always to the psychology of the natives. 

As the underworld is the abode of the deities of germination and 
fertility, the Hopi evoke their help by calling down the sipapu of 
the kiva. 3 Obviously with the same idea in mind offerings are 
deposited in the crypt or sipapu of the Walpi plaza. 4 In Zuni food, 
prayer-sticks, and grains of corn are deposited in the circular open- 
ing in the floor of the ceremonial chamber. 5 The final act of the 
Zuni winter solstice ceremony consists in depositing the meal of the 
altar painting, which is always considered a very effective substance, 
in the sipapu with a prayer for fertility. 6 In the night ceremonies of 
the Council of the Gods of Zuni, offerings are deposited in the sipapu 
of the kiva. 

A diminutive game of 'sikon-yamune tikwane 7 with lashowawe (feathers) 
attached, grains of corn of the colors of the six regions, sweet corn, squash, watermelon, 
and muskmelon seeds are deposited as seeds in the earth. . . . Prayers are offered for 
the seeds to grow into life, and for rains. 8 

Of the various Hopi deities, who are associated with the under- 



1 92, p. 27. 

2 85, p. 209; 53, p. 268. 

3 26, p. 55. 

4 27, p. 360-1. 

6 85, p. 187 and 209. 
685, p. 141- 

7 The ring and stick game of the Koyemshi, which, as we shall see. later, is closely 
associated with the idea of fertilization. 

8 85, p. 247. 



haeberlix] FERTILIZATION IX PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 2$ 

world and with the idea of germination, Muyinwu 1 seems to repre- 
sent the association in a typical way. He is thought to live under 
the sipapu of the lavas. Through the si pa pit, which, as is stated, 
has never been closed since the races emerged, he sends the germs of 
all living things. 2 He controls vegetation and owns the all-im- 
portant corn. 3 After arriving in the west at evening the sun gives 
the pahos (prayer-sticks) he has collected on his course during the 
daytime to Muyinwu. 4 In the Walpi Snake legend Tiyo, the 
counterpart of the sun, does the same thing, and thus gets into the 
good graces of Muyinwu, who tells him that he is in command of 
"the seeds of all vegetation that grows upon the surface of the 
upperworld, and of all animals and men who walk upon it." 5 

When one bears in mind that water and fertility are practically 
synonyms in the mind of the Pueblo, it is readily understood why 
the Great Waterserpent, the Paluliikon of the Horn, should be 
conceived in a way that is very similar to Muyinwu. Fewkes says 
he is the father of all life, just as Muyinwu, the earth, is its mother. 6 
While water and thus fertility are the general ideas with which the 
serpent is associated, he is specifically associated either with springs 
or with clouds. 7 The interrelation of these sources of fertility is 
apparent and characteristic of Pueblo culture. Paluliikoh is 
sometimes multiplied so as to correspond to the six cardinal points 
and is then regarded as the helpers of the six rain gods, the Omoivuh, 8 
who correspond to the Zufii Uwannami. Fewkes represents him 
as having six udders, from which all the water and blood of the 
earth comes. 9 



1 In the accounts of Fewkes and Voth Muyinwu is sometimes referred to as a male 
deity, sometimes as a female one, and sometimes as acouple of a male and a female deity. 

2 75. P- 17- 3 92, p. 29. 

4 39. P- 436. 5 37. P- "3- 

6 41, p. no. 

7 The association between smoking and cloud-producing is well known. In the 
Berlin Museum (No. IV, B2503), there is a Pueblo Otnowuh (cloud) pipe (obtained, 
according to the catalogue, from the Apache), on which is scratched a figure of a serpent, 
obviously the so-called "Plumed Serpent," out of whose mouth projects a zigzag line 
ending in a cloud symbol. On the opposite side of the bowl the zigzag with the cloud- 
symbol is repeated. 

8 39. P- 433 et seq. 
30, p. 16. 



24 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

Springs and lagunes, as we have seen, are regarded as entrances 
to the underworld, as sipapus, and hence, as direct paths of com- 
munication with the gods of fertilization. The ideas involved are 
brought out clearly in numerous rites. The Walpians think the 
serpent lives in the sacred Sun Spring near their village. 1 Offerings 
are made to him at this spring; and in the Paluliikohti ceremony 
interesting rites take place here, during which his image is dipped 
into the water. 2 In the myths Palulukofi figures as a water monster. 3 
The Zuhi water serpent, Koloowisi, is the "Keeper of Cereals." 4 
In the Zuiii initiation ceremony of the Kotikili 5 the Priest of the 
Bow and the Priestess of the Earth catch in a bowl the water poured 
from the mouth of an image of the serpent. This sacred water is 
partly drunk by each guardian and partly by his novitiate. Furth- 
ermore, "the boy sprinkles the corn stalked in his house with this 
water." Then the seeds of all the cereals that are poured through 
the abdomen of the serpent are caught in a blanket and distributed 
to all present. 

The Great Serpent of the Pueblo is commonly known as the 
"plumed serpent." As far as I can see, however, the plumes are 
by no means an essential characteristic of him, neither in the myths 
nor in the rites. The term "horned serpent" would be equally 
appropriate, if, indeed, not more so. The conservative use of the 
term "plumed serpent" seems to me to be based on the more or less 
popular identification of the Pueblo serpent with Quetzalcoatl of 
the Nahuatl. This analogy is, I believe, misleading. While I am 
well aware of the extensive cultural relations between Mexico and 
the Pueblo area, I can see no reason why in this case the serpent of 
the Hopi and Zuiii should be any closer related to Quetzalcoatl than 
the horned water serpent of the Keres or of the Creek, for example. 6 
Quetzalcoatl is the serpent of the Quetzalbird and at the same time 
the culture-hero of the Toltec. The Pueblo serpent, on the other 

1 27, p. 370. 

2 29, p. 279-80; 28, p. 624. 

3 89, p. 102 et seq.; n, p. 93 et seq.; 83, p. 544. 

4 84, p. 36. 

6 83. P- 552-3. 

« 1, p. 292; 57, p. 259. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 25 

hand, has nothing whatsoever in common with a culture-hero. In 
mythology he appears clearly as a water monster, conceived in much 
the same way as by other American tribes. In the ceremonies of 
the Pueblo he is a deity of fertilization. 

The attempt of Fewkes 1 to trace an historical relation between 
Paluliikon and Quetzalcoatl does not seem convincing to me. It 
would seem to me that he does not interpret correctly the incidents 
of the myth of the Toltec 2 and that he overestimates the historical 
evidence of myths. 

In the Walpi ceremonies of Soyaluna and Paluliikohti, images 
of Paliiliikon play a prominent part. Very suggestive as to the 
associations of this being with the idea of fertilization is the fact 
that to the backbone of each image are tied "a quartz crystal called 
the heart, and a package which contains corn seeds of all colors, 
melon, squash, cotton, and other seeds, and a black prayer-stick." 3 
The images are invariably made to knock down all the plants of an 
imitated cornfield set up in clay pedestals before them. These 
plants are thereupon distributed to the women and girls present. 4 
Fewkes thinks that we are here dealing with a representation of the 
destructive power of nature, which lays waste to the fields. This is 
not consistent, I believe, with the apparent value attached to the 
plants knocked over. An association with the lightning that strikes 
the cornfield — a phenomenon avowedly regarded by the Hopi as the 
acme of fertilization — seems much more comprehensible to me. If 
the etymology given by Fewkes for Paliilukoh 5 be correct then it is 
quite possible that -koh (to strike down with ripeness) refers to this 
characteristic. 

In the Pueblo culture there is doubtlessly a general interrelation 
between the moon and the idea of fertilization, corresponding to 
that of growth and water. 6 That this should be the case is not 



1 28, p. 622 et seq. 

2 80, p. 29. 

3 28, p. 622; 29, p. 277-8. 

4 28, p. 608-9, 615, 617; 29, p. 280. 
6 29, p. 282. 

6 According to Lummis (69, p. 58) the Tewa name for the moon is literally "Water- 
Maiden." 



26 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [.memoirs, 3 

surprising after our discussions of the relation of the moon to the 
earth. Furthermore, the association of the moon with fertility is a 
common phenomenon in many parts of the world. For our present 
considerations it is of especial interest that the moon is unequivo- 
cally associated in a specific way with the serpent. The tertium quid 
of this association is doubtlessly the idea of fertilization. An in- 
structive case in point is a screen used in the Oraibi Soyal ceremony. 
Voth gives the following description of its symbolism: — 

The figure in the center represents Miiyinwu, the god of germination. He holds 
in his right hand a growing cornstalk. . . . Over his head are symbols of clouds 
with falling rain and rays of lightning. . . . Under the cornstalk is the symbol of 
the moon, on the other side that of the sun. The semicircles on top are covered 
with cotton, to both sides are fastened four artificial blossoms, to the lower part 
watermelon, muskmelon, squash, cotton, pumpkin and other seeds and different 
kinds of corn. 1 

The figure of the moon, from which the cornstalk held by Miiyinwu 
seems to be growing, shows a drawing of the serpent on its disk. 
A song to the great water serpent is sung before this screen. An 
important rite consists in ceremonially scraping the seeds attached 
to the screen into a tray. 2 I believe all these various incidents 
speak for themselves. 

In the Walpi Soyal ceremony the screen is missing. Instead we 
have there the rites already alluded to with the image of the serpent. 

In the initiation ceremony of the Oraibi Powamu 3 the same 
moon-serpent symbolism is used in connection with the "pota." 
This consists of round discs, each of which is made of two sticks bent into a semi- 
circle and over which is stretched a piece of owa (canvas). These discs are sewn 
together in the middle in such a manner that they can be opened and closed like 
a book. 4 

A dance is performed before the novices in which the different 
segments of the pota are opened successively so that the various 
symbols drawn on these segments become visible. 5 They are re- 
produced by Voth. 6 All of them obviously pertain to fertility. 

1 91, Plate 28. 

2 91. P- 53- 

3 According to Mindeleff (75, p. 129) "Powamu" means "fructifying moon." 

4 88, p. 89. 
6 88, p. 92. 

« 88, Plate 48. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 2J 

They consist of symbols of squash blossoms, 1 clouds, and corn ears. 
One segment is expressly called the moon and consists of the same 
symbol as the moon on the screen described above, having a serpent- 
like animal drawn in the shape of a semicircle in the disk. 

Corresponding to the idea of the emergence of the people from 
the underworld, the one of the dead returning to the place of emer- 
gence is quite common in the Southwest, if not indeed general. 
It is well known from the Navajo 2 and Apache. 3 Among the 
Pueblo 4 it stands out prominently and, what is especially interesting, 
has become associated with the idea of fertilization. The tradi- 
tional sipapu is, as said before, in some cases conceived as a lake 
or a lagune. In such cases the dead are thought to return to 
their home in the lake. 5 The sipapu or the lake is, however, not 

1 The squash blossom symbol consists of a circle divided into eight sectors. It is 
also quite frequent in Zufii, where it is painted, for example, on the sides of the masks 
of the Salamobiya, the "Seed-gatherers" of the six regions. See 83, Plate 21. 

2 70, p. 38. 

3 58, p. 194; 79, p. 255. 

4 61, p. 299. Dr. Spinden kindly gave me the following information concerning 
the Rio Grande Tewa: "The dead return to the underworld through the great sipapu 
or one of the numerous smaller entrances." 

6 1, p. 315; the dead of the Jemez return to the lagune. According to the Zuhi 
emergence and migration myth recorded by Mrs. Stevenson the traditional sipapu 
and the sacred lake, Kothluwalawa, are not identical. This lake was created magically 
by Siwulutsiwa after his unlawful connubium with his sister (see 85, p. 32-33; 7, p. 
404-5). When the Zuni some time after their emergence came to this lake, various 
clans dropped their children into its waters. The children at once were deified and 
became Kokko. Their home is in the lake and is not only the place of the dead, but 
also that of the unborn (Cushing). This is in contradiction to the other Zuni notion, 
that the dead, upon reaching the lake, "descends the mystic ladder to meet the Council 
of the Gods, and thence passes on to the undermost world, the place of Zuni nativity " 
(85, p. 307-8). From this obvious contradiction, as well as from the general identifica- 
tion of the sipapu or lake and the place- of the dead in an area continuous to that of the 
Zuni, I judge that we are justified in also identifying Kothluwalawa with the real place 
of emergence of the Zuni and thus in regarding the Zufii migration myth of today as 
involving a secondary and inconsistent complication. 

The change that has taken place can probably be ascertained by comparing the 
Zuni with the Navajo version of the emergence and migration myth. These are even 
in details strikingly similar. From a comparison it would appear that that part of the 
Zuni version which recounts the events from the emergence to the crossing of Koth- 
luwalawa, originally took place in the last underworld, so that the events at Kothlu- 
walawa would correspond to the emergence to the uppermost world. Thus, the motive 
of the blood-crime of a brother and a sister and of the birth of their defective children. 



28 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

only the place of the dead, but also that of the unborn. 1 This 
strengthens the supposition of a physiological association of the 
sipapu. 

Another cycle of associations deserves being mentioned at this 
place. When one considers that "the Hopiconnects the idea of life 
with the east, death with the west," 2 that every newborn baby must 
be shown to the rising sun, that the dead of the Hopi travel west- 
ward, and finally that the sun in the evening descends into the 
underworld by way of the sipapu of the kiva of the Eartfcgoddess, 
it seems warranted to suppose that there is a certain parallelism in 
the mind of the natives between the fates of the sun and those of the 
individual. The sun and the individual both return through the 
sipapu to the underworld whence they came. 3 The association is 
obvious and, at least as far as the Hopi are concerned, is borne out 
by the empirical data. It would be premature to be more specific 
in our statements, on account of the incompleteness of our own in- 
formation and on account of the probable vagueness of the asso- 
ciation in the mind of the natives themselves. 

Since the dead return to the underworld and the underworld is 
the place of germination, it is not surprising that in a culture like 
that of the Pueblo, where almost every cultural phenomenon seems 
to be focused on the idea of fertilization, the deceased and especially 
the ancients should likewise have become associated with this idea. 4 
This is brought out in the well-known Katcina worship of the Pueblo. 
From the ideas we find associated with this worship today we can- 
not, of course, draw any inferences whatsoever as to its probable 
origin or its historical development. But the associations themselves 
offer a psychological problem. 

a motive almost identical in both versions, takes place in the Zuiii version on the surface 
of the earth and before the lake episode, while according to the Navajo version in the 
last underworld before the emergence (see Matthews: Navaho Legends). 

1 32, p. 162. 

2 90, p. 311, and 88, p. 103. 

3 According to Fewkes the underworld is the house of the sun and the earth- 
goddess. "Here are generated the souls of the newly born on earth, and to this home 
of the Sun return the spirits of the dead." See 40, p. 86. 

4 91, p. 57 (footnote) : Pahos are made for the deceased, so that they may send good 
crops to the living. 



haeberlix] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 29 

The Katcinas of the Hopi are the deified spirits of the ancients 
who now work for the good of the present generations. 1 The usual 
idea seems to be that the Katcinas are rain-makers. "You have 
become a Katcina: bring us rain," say the relatives of the deceased 
to the dead, before they inter them. 2 Correspondingly, "the de- 
ceased Zufii become rain-makers, and are at the command of the 
council of the gods." 3 The Zufii claim that they always buried 
their dead. They insist that should they incinerate the bodies, 
there would be no rain, for their dead are the uwannami (rain- 
makers)." 4 The Zuhi Kokko, who correspond to the Hopi Katcinas, 
are the deified ancients of the Kotikili and are thought to reside in 
the sacred lake. They are children of certain Zufii clans and were 
dropped into the water of Kothluwalawa when their mothers 
crossed this lake in the mythic times. These Kokko or ancients 
intercede with the gods that they may send rain and fertility to the 
people. 5 The Korkokshi who- belong to the Kokko are "dancers 
for good," i. e., for rain. 6 

The Katcinas of the Rio Grande Tewa are evidently conceived 
in a way similar to those of the Hopi and Zufii. Dr. Spinden kindly 
gave me the following information concerning them: — 

The Katcinas, or 'Okhuwa, as they are called in Tewa, are primarily those of the first 
people who did not come out of the underworld with P'o seyemu. The dead return 
to become 'Okhuwa and the child is an 'Okhuwa until four days old — or until 
the christening. The 'Okhuwa are probably to be regarded as ancestral spirits. 
The word is very like the ordinary word for "cloud" and the 'Okhuwa live in the 
clouds as well as in the underworld. Their function is connected with rain and 
fertilization. When the 'Okhuwa come to bring seeds and rain they come out 
of a lake. 

The Hopi regard the earth-goddess, Hahaiwuqti, as the mother 
of the Katcinas. 7 The Sia Katcinas are created in the underworld 
by Utset, obviously likewise an earth-goddess. After the emer- 
gence Utset sent them to live in the west. 8 

1 31, p. 130; 27, p. 351; 6, p. 1S9. 

2 40, p. 82; 32, p. 162; 39, p. 443 (footnote). 

3 84, p. 40. " 85. P- 305- 
5 83, p. 541-2; 6, p. 189. 

6 85, p. 63. 

7 96, p. 266; 34, p. 49'. 5i. P- 178. 

8 82, p. 116-7. 



30 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

The Katcinas are thought to be present in the villages of the 
Hopi from midwinter until July. During this time they are repre- 
sented by masked personators in the so-called Katcina dances. 
They depart for the year after the Niman ceremony. The per- 
sonators leave the village and proceed towards the west, since the 
Katcinas are now supposed to return to the underworld, "the en- 
trance to which is the sun house in the west." l 

While the place where the sun sets is so to "say, the traditional 
home of the Katcinas, it is not the only locality with which the same 
idea is associated. We have already mentioned the identification 
of the different " sipapus." Thus the Rain-makers of the Zuni are 
thought of as living in the underworld below the sipapu of the cere- 
monial chamber. 2 Through this opening they are supposed to come 
up. 3 (See above: Miiyiriwfi, the God of Germination, also lives 
under the sipapu of the kivas and sends through it the germs of all 
living things.) 

Illustrative of the ideas regarding the nature of the Katcinas 
is a rite performed in the Walpi New Fire ceremony. In this a 
procession of the phallic societies of Tataukyamu and Wiiwiitcimtu 
proceeds to the site of ruined Old Walpi, the abode of the ancestors 
of the present Walpians. At least in the rite referred to, this site 
is regarded as one great sipapu, under which the ancients, the an- 
cestors of the present Hopi, now live as Katcinas. 

Patting his foot on the ground, one of the men in the procession said, pointing 
downward, "Here, just below here, the old people dwell. We are now," he con- 
tinued, "praying to them for material prosperity — rain, health, abundant harvest. 4 

The psychologically important point brought out by this rite is 
that the abode of the Katcinas may also be located, by a clear 
series of associations, in the old historical homes of the natives. 
1 27, p. 366; 40, p. 91. 

2 The Tewa of the Rio Grande seem to have an idea very closely analogous to the 
one in question. Dr. Spinden writes me: "The Tewa na n si pu phendi'i is a lake in the 
north out of which grew a pine tree. In the center of each plaza is a shrine which 
repiesents it. When P'o seyemu first came out he found the earth good and he danced. 
The people below heard him and for that reason they now dance near this shrine 
that the people below can hear them." 

3 85, p. 146. 

4 35. p- 96; 36, p. 526-7. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 3 1 

By this association the old ruins gain especial sacredness in the 
cults of fertilization. The fact that phallic societies perform the 
rite mentioned above is very likely not accidental. 

In order to avoid misrepresentations it is necessary to say that, 
while the ideas outlined above seem to be an essential part of the 
Pueblo Katcina worship, by far not all of the beings that appear in 
the Katcina dances as we see them them today can be interpreted 
as deified ancestors. The Katcinas are a most heterogeneous crowd. 1 
The investigation of the origin and development of the Katcina cults 
and of the phenomena of assimilation and reinterpretation which 
have doubtlessly taken place, as well as the discrimination of pri- 
mary and secondary elements necessarily fall outside of the scope of 
our considerations. 

The most conspicuous mythological cycle of the Southwest is 
that referring to the Twin War Gods. This cycle of myths seems 
to be most elaborately developed by the various Pueblo peoples 
and by the Navajo. The following gives in a general way the 
essential elements. The sun impregnates by magical means a 
woman, who is obviously an Earth-goddess. She gives birth to 
twins, who mature rapidly, but always remain diminutive. They 
go to visit their father, the Sun; after subjecting them to a series of 
ordeals, he gives them the weapons of war; with these the boys rid 
the earth of monsters. 

This myth or cycle of myths is characteristically Southwestern 
and thus distinct from the twin-hero tales of the Plains, namely the 
cycle of Lodge-Boy and Thrown-Away. 2 I do not mean to doubt 
that there are elements common to both cycles, as Lowie has 
pointed out, 3 but the general associations of events and ideas are 
unmistakably distinct. In the Northern Shoshoni i and Blackfoot 5 
versions of the Plains a strange visitor kills the mother of the boys 
and then takes them out of her womb. While the boys are playing 
hoop-and-pole, the father forbids them to roll the hoop in a certain 

1 26, p. 16; 40, p. 83. 

2 66, p. 139-143. 

3 66, p. 119. 

4 65, p. 280 et seq. 

5 95, p. 40-53- 



3 2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

direction. The boys disobey and the hoop rolls on and on until 
it reaches a cannibal, who fails in his attempt to destroy the boys. 

According to Goddard , the San Carlosand Mescalero Apache have 
practically the same hero cycle as the Navajo. 1 The versions of 
the Jicarilla Apache, however, show interesting fusions of elements 
from the Southwest and from the Plains. Thus the genesis of the 
boys, 2 their visit to their father, the Sun, and the jealousy of his 
wife 3 are clearly identifiable with the Pueblo-Navajo versions. 
But associated with these elements we find that of the hoop rolling 
to a cannibal, which is identical with the corresponding part of the 
Blackfoot myth, and that of the rolling rock, which is so typical of 
the Plains. 4 These transitional forms of the Jicarilla mythology 
are interesting, but not surprising, when one considers that the 
Jicarilla undertook regular and extensive hunting trips out into the 
Plains. Much of their material culture also points to the Plains, 
such as their tipis, beadwork, and parfieches. 

After this brief general survey, let us return to the Pueblo- 
Navajo hero myth. According to the Sia version, a virgin, the 
daughter of Spider Woman, is embraced by the Sun. She gives 
birth to two boys, Ma-a-sewe and Uyuuyewe. 5 In the Navajo 
version the twins are born by two sisters, Estsanatlehi, "the 
Woman Who Changes," and "White Shell Woman." The one 
becomes pregnant from the rays of the rising sun, the other from 
the water of a waterfall. 6 In the Tusayan version the War Gods 
are "conceived by an Earth-goddess, one by a ray of sunlight, and 
one by a jet of water." 7 The Zuni myth of Cushing lets some foam 
of water, impregnated by the sun, give birth to the twins. 8 The 



»59. 


P 


386. 




2 76, 


P 


200. 




3 58, 


P 


196. 




4 76, 


P 


208. 




5 82, 


P 


43- 




6 70, 


P 


105-6. 




7 46, 


P 


132. 




8 8, p. 


[-2; 7. P- 


381-2 



Possibly the idea of the impregnation of water by the sun 
corresponds to the ceremonial act of reflecting a sunbeam into the water of a medicine- 
bowl by means of a crystal. — a rite commonly reported from Tusayan. The liquid of 
these bowls is whipped to foam. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 33 

version related by Mrs. Stevenson is somewhat complicated by the 
fact that there are two generations of twins. At a certain point in 
the migration myths the second generation takes the place of the 
first one without any obvious motive. 1 

The fact that in some versions the earth-goddess herself ("Wom- 
an who Changes," Spider Woman, etc.), in others, her daughter is 
the mother of the twins is certainly of no importance, just as among 
the San Carlos Apache the "Woman Who Changes" is sometimes 
the mother of the wife of the sun, sometimes his wife herself. 2 The 
mode of genesis of the twins, as related in the versions cited above, 
is doubtlessly associated with the idea of the fertilization of the 
earth by the sun and by water. Whether this association is a pri- 
mary feature of the myth cycle in question, I do not venture to 
decide. It is certainly typical of the Pueblo and not of the Navajo 
and Apache, for, judging from what we know of these peoples, we 
assume that they either borrowed the myths of the Twin War 
Gods passively from the Pueblo or modified their own myths by 
assimilating Pueblo elements. 

The two boys, wishing to become acquainted with their father, 
visit him in his sun-house. They, of course, survive the ordeals 
they are subjected to and thus prove themselves to be the real 
children of the sun. W'hereupon, their father presents them with 
the typical weapons of war, bows, arrows, and shields. Thus 
equipped, they set out to destroy the enemies of mankind. Ac- 
cording to most versions, this is clearly their raison d'etre. They 
overcome the monsters who have been harassing the people, 3 
rescue maidens from the clutches of cannibals, 4 and perform many 
similar acts of heroism. 

Some Zuni myths also relate how the sun sent the twins into 
the earth to lead the people forth to the surface. "The two rent 
the earth with their lightning arrows and descended into Fourth 
World." 5 Then, according to Cushing, they guided the people 

185, P- 24, 35, 407- 

2 Personal information from Dr. Goddard. 

3 82, p. 45 et seq.; 89, p. 82; 2, p. 587. 

4 11, p. 365 et seq.; 69, p. 200. 
6 84, p. 34 



34 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

through the various stages of gestation and parturition. 1 Since 
the Twin War Gods are constantly associated with lightning, the 
question arises, whether in this feature there is a suggestion of the 
fertilization of the earth by the lightning resulting in the birth of 
mankind. The records of Mrs. Stevenson and Gushing are cer- 
tainly suggestive of this association. On account of the fragmentary 
nature of the Zufii material, however, we can say nothing definitely. 
It is certainly an interesting question for future investigation. 

When speaking of the Hopi war gods, of Piiiikon and his less 
important brother, it is necessary to bear in mind that corresponding 
to the multiplicity of Hopi Earth-goddesses, who are all more or less 
identical, there is also a multiplicity of culture-heroes of the type in 
question. This is probably due to the development of esoteric 
mythologies, which after all do not seem to surpass the limited 
wealth of motives extant in the general mythology of the people. 
Alosaka, for example, is the culture hero of the Aaltil society. He 
is said " to have been miraculously born of a virgin. His father was 
the Sun, his mother an earth-goddess, sometimes called a maiden. 
Like many gods, he travelled on the rainbow." 2 The identity with 
Piiiikon is unmistakable. In addition to the coincidence of myth- 
ological motives, these counterparts of Piiiikon are identified by 
their associations with the idea of fertilization. 

The heterogeneity of the associations of the Twin War Gods is 
from a psychological point of view an important consideration in 
the discussion of these beings. They are war gods par excellence 
but are at the same time intrinsically associated with fertilization. 
This duality of their functions is characteristic of Pueblo culture 
and speaks for the occurrence of secondary associations. 

The warrior nature of the twins is a marked feature of the 
Pueblo myths, probably especially of the Zufii migration myths. 
In the ceremonial life it is also prominent, for example, in the war 
festivals of Tusayan. 3 The dual nature of their associations is 
brought out clearly by contrast in the case of the W'arrior society 4 

1 7. p- 382-3. 

2 36, p. 539. 

3 43, p. 482-94. 

4 82, p. 121 et seq. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 35 

and the Knife society l of the Sia. These societies are closely allied 
and both are directly associated with the Twin War Gods. Never- 
theless, such diverse performances as war dances with scalps and 
ceremonials for rain characterize them. 

Like the Sia Society of Warriors, the Zuni Priests of the Bow 
regard themselves as the direct successors of the Twin War Gods, 
the organizers of their society. 2 That this Zuni society is really 
one of warriors is proven by the fact that before the cessation of 
intertribal war the killing of an enemy and the taking of his scalp 
was necessary for admission. 3 At the same time, we find that the 
Priests of the Bow, by far the most prominent of Zuni societies, are 
everywhere unmistakably associated with the idea of rain and thus 
of fertility. This dominant power in Zuni is composed of the elder 
and younger Bow priests, who are the direct representatives of the 
Twin War Gods, six Ashiwanni, Rain-priests, and one woman, 
Shiwanokia, the Priestess of Fecundity. 4 This composition of the 
society is significant. The lightning-makers of the six regions, the 
deities of the fertilizing rains, are deceased Bow priests. 5 (Com- 
pare the corresponding idea associated with the Katcina t worship.) 

The Keres believe that the meeting of the Twin War Gods in 
the clouds causes rain to fall. They are personified in the war 
captain and his lieutenant. 6 In Zuni idols of the War Gods are 
regarded effective in a similar way. Ceremonies are performed 
before them "that they may intercede with the rain-makers for 
rains to fructify the earth." 7 The idols found in the shrines on the 
sacred mesa near Zuni are significant. 8 A specimen in the Berlin 
Museum (No. IV, C. 71 17) has been reproduced and described by 
Cushing. 9 The head of this idol is covered with a white cone- 

1 82, p. 101 et seq. 

2 85, p. 576. 

3 85, p. 578. In the Berlin Musuem (No. IV C7149) there is a symbolic shield 
used in the sacred war dance by the Priests of the Bow. It is characteristic that a 
prominent symbol of this shield is the Great Water Serpent painted on it. 

4 8s, p. 289. 

6 85, p. no and p. 149. 

6 i, p. 289. 

7 85, p. 116. 

s 85, plates 137-9- 
9 10, p 2. 



36 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

shaped cap called the cap of fog or clouds. A lightning shaft shoots 
out of the apex of the cap. A noteworthy feature is the 

serrated projection from the umbilicus to which plumes are attached, symbolic 
of clouds and lightning. All varieties of seeds are deposited in the cavity before 
the projection is inserted. 1 

Cushing and Mrs. Stevenson call it the navel. 2 Judging from other 
phenomena in the culture of the Pueblo, one would be inclined to 
speak rather of a phallic significance. However this may be, the 
association of the idol of the War God with fertilization is evident. 

Among the Hopi the Society of the Kalektaka or Warriors 
corresponds to the Zuni Priesthood of the Bow, without, however, 
exercising authoritative control of the whole ceremonial life as 
among the Zufii. It is likewise a real warrior society and has its 
special war ceremony. 3 Puiikon 4 is their culture hero and his image 
is in the care of the chief of this society. 5 It is almost needless to 
say that this society, like all other Hopi societies, is in addition to 
its martial functions constantly bent on the production of fertility. 

According to Voth 6 the members of the Snake society are also kal- 
ektakas. Fewkes speaks only of one man who in the Snake-Ante- 
lope ceremony personates "a kalektaka, or warrior, or Puiikon." 7 

One of the most conspicuous men in the line of Snake priests personified a warrior, 
who wore on his head a closefitting, open-mesh, cotton skull-cap, which repre- 
sents the ancient war-bonnet. 8 

This kalektaka, in the snake dance proper, sits in the kisi and hands 
out the snakes to the dancers. This specific rite, like all others of 
the Snake-Antelope ceremony, is certainly associated with the idea 
of rain and fertilization. The kalektaka is always represented as 
twirling the bull-roarer, which among the Pueblo is a magic in- 
strument for producing rain. 

1 85, p. 113. 

2 85, p. 607. 

3 26, p. 25. 

4 The brother of Puiikon, although known and often referred to in Hopi mythology, 
in the ceremonies plays a role very inconspicuous in comparison to that of his elder 
brother. 

5 38, p. 7- 

6 90, p. 343- 
M4. P. 985- 
8 44. P- 975- 



HAEBerlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 37 

Nowhere does the assimilation of the war-gods and of their 
representatives, the warriors, by the idea of fertilization appear 
more clearly than in the case of their weapons. In the myths the 
war-gods receive from their father the bow and arrows or lightning 
bolts as real weapons of war, to be used in their fight against enemies 
and monsters. In the ceremonies, however, we find just the re- 
verse associations with lightning; there the lightning is not the 
destructive arrow of war, but the rain-bringing, fertilizing phe- 
nomenon. It is ceremonially represented by the lightning frame. 
The association of this device with the idea of fertilization is borne 
out by the facts. Thus in the Hopi Palulukohti ceremony per- 
sonators of the cloud deities, besides asperging the women and 
throwing water upon the hatchway of the kivas, shoot their light- 
ning frames down into each kiva. 1 In the Hopi ceremony of 
Coyohim-katcina ("All-katcina") a personator of Piiiikon uses 
the bull-roarer and the lightning frame. 2 In the Walpi and Mis- 
hongnovi Snake-Antelope ceremony the kalektakas, besides twirling 
their bull-roarers, as stated above, also shoot off lightning frames. 3 
In the Oraibi Snake altar these objects lie before the figure of 
Piiiikon. 4 

The shield of the war-gods still remains to be spoken of. Ac- 
cording to the Zuni myths it is spun of clouds resembling cotton. 5 
In the ceremonies this shield is represented by hoops with cotton 
netting. As will be discussed in the following pages, these netted 
wheels have an extensive ceremonial use and are in the mind of the 
Pueblo specifically associated with rain and fertility. The Hopi 
and Zuhi images of the war-gods are supplied with such a shield 
consisting of a netted wheel. Either it is made to hang over the 
back of the image or the image stands on it. 6 

The offering of the Zuni Priests of the Bow to the war-gods 



1 29, p. 278. 

2 38. p. 66-7. 
3 12, p. 228. 

* 90, p. 287-8. 

5 84, p. 34; 9, p. 52. Unspun cotton is commonly used in Pueblo ceremonies to 
represent clouds. 

6 88, p. 77; 90, p. 287-8; 85, p. 113- 



38 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

consists of a stick to which a netted wheel and small bow and arrows 
are attached. 1 This is a petition for rain. The Huichol of northern 
Mexico, whose sacrificial arrows 2 are genetically clearly related to 
the offerings of the Pueblo, make a sacrifice to their god "Great- 
grandfather-Deer-Tail," which consists of an arrow and an attached 
netted hoop, 3 and is thus morphologically parallel to the typical 
offering of the Zuiii Priests of the Bow. The Huichol, however, 
do not associate this hoop with the cloud shield of the Twin War 
Gods, although beings of a corresponding type are represented in 
their mythology, but interpret it as "a. snare for killing deer." 
The object of this petition of the Huichol is obvious. We are here 
dealing with a clear case of discrepancy in the distribution of the 
objective features of a cultural phenomenon and of its psychological 
associations. The specific associations of the hoop, that are char- 
acteristic of the Hopi and Zuiii in contradistinction to its associa- 
tions among other tribes, warrant the reality of the definite and 
typical psychological attitude of the people under consideration, — 
an attitude which may be roughly characterized by the idea of 
fertilization. 

Of equal psychological significance, as the fusion of the myth 
motives of the Twin War Gods with the idea of fertilization in the 
culture of the Pueblo, is the lack of such associations in the Navajo 
culture. Although the mythological traits and actions of the 
Navajo Twin War Gods are identical with those of the Hopi and 
Zuiii myths and although these beings are personated in the Navajo 
ceremonies, the religious associations into which they enter are 
fundamentally different from those characteristic of the Pueblo. 
Speaking of the Elder God of War Matthews says: — 

When properly propitiated, he is prompt to cure disease, particularly such as is 
produced by witchcraft. Men in danger, and warriors going to battle, pray 
and sing to him. 4 

In correspondence to what is avowedly the fundamental tone of 
Navajo ceremonial life in general, the associations of the war-god? 

1 41, p. 92-3- 

2 77, p. 100-2. 

3 68, p. 94, 103-5. 
* 71. p. 20. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 39 

seem to pertain to the healing of the sick. This is brought out by 
the prayers and the rites around the patient. 1 The question, why 
the Navajo, who have doubtlessly borrowed the myth motives of 
the war-gods from the Pueblo, did not also borrow the associated 
ceremonial concepts, is a problem of the psychology of accultura- 
tion, which is only soluble by an analysis of the specific historical 
and psychological phenomena involved. 

The wheel or hoop with its extensive ceremonial use among the 
Pueblo lends itself readily for a concrete demonstration of the points 
brought out in this paper. Hence it deserves a detailed discussion. 
The hoop used in a Zufii ceremony for rain is spoken of by Mrs. 
Stevenson as a world symbol. 2 This symbolic meaning seems to be 
supported by the fact that in Tusayan clan signs of the earth con- 
sist of a circle. 3 Furthermore, in Southern California, 4 the same 
world symbol is used in the initiation ceremonies and among the 
Tarahumare 5 is associated with the peyote cult. While this specific 
symbolic significance of the wheel seems suggestive when taken in 
connection with the obvious association of the wheel to the female 
sex and its alleged physiological association, it certainly does not 
by means of a premature generalization admit of a genetic inter- 
pretation as to the origin of the wheel any more than does the 
association of the wheel with the shield of the war-god. The in- 
terpretation given by the Hopi of today of the wheels and the cylin- 
ders that are commonly associated with them is that they represent 
the small clay rolls that the rain water forms in the washes. 

They are considered to be special prayer offerings that the washes may rise and 
flood their thirsty fields. 6 

In spite of the secondary nature of this Indian interpretation, it is 

significant as showing the conscious association of the wheels and 

cylinders with rain and fertility in the mind of the present natives. 

In the case of the Antelope altar of the Walpi Snake-Antelope 

' 71, p. 84-5, 138-9. 303. 
285, p. 198. 

3 36, p. 526; 45, p. 5; 48, p. 410. 

4 94. P- 300 et seq.; 19, p. I77 _ 8. 
6 67, vol. I, p. 365. 

690, p. 314; 12, p. 235. 



40 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

ceremony we find an interesting association of the cylinders and 
wheels with the sexes. In the sand-painting of this altar four 
lightning-snakes are depicted as shooting out from rain-clouds. 
Those of the north and south are male and those of the east and 
west female. A small black cylinder of wood is laid on the head of 
each male snake and an annulet made of a flag-leaf on the head of 
each female snake. 1 

The idea of fertilization appears furthermore in the following 
phase of the Oraibi Snake ceremony. On the seventh day of the 
rites the Antelope chief prepares two small black cylinders like 
those of the Walpi altar. He also makes two wheels of the leaves of 
the "wipo" (flag), a species of reed found near springs and lagunes. 2 
One cylinder and one wheel were tied to each of two black sticks 
(chochokpi). 3 During the races, which take place at sunrise of the 
of the eighth and ninth days, a water vessel, which has been pre- 
viously filled at a spring, and a chochokpi with its cylinder and wheel 
are passed on in such a way that they are always carried by the 
runner who happens to lead. The final winner runs into the An- 
telope kivawith the objects. Here the Antelope and Snake chiefs 
pray over the netted gourd and the chochokpi. These are then 
handed back to the winner, who takes them down to his fields, digs 
a hole, pours the water of the gourd into it and buries his cylinder 
and wheel. 4 This is considered to be a special blessing for the fields. 
Racing of various kinds is a common feature of American tribal 
life. Their specific associations in the Pueblo area are of special 
interest to us. Ceremonial races for rain and fertility stand out 
very prominently in the religious life of the Pueblo. The Zufii race 
with wooden cylinders that resemble the Hopi cylinders just de- 
scribed. Ceremonial races of this kind "take place some days 
previous to corn planting." 5 They "are for rains to water the 

J 37. p- 21. 

2 Flags of this kind are also used ceremonially in the rain dances of the Zufii. See 
42, p. 26. 3 90, p. 317. 

4 90. P- 3 2 5~7- A similar race takes place in the Mishongnovi Snake-Antelope 
ceremony. A ring plays the same role and is deposited by the winner in his field. 
The runners start from four conventionalized cloud-and-rain symbols drawn in meal 
upon the ground. See 12, p. 230-3. 

5 85, p. 318-21; 60, p. 227. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE ±1 

earth that the crops may grow." 1 The races are accompanied by 
prayers to the rain-makers. In another Zuni race clowns, or "mud- 
heads," and women take part as rivals. The men race with a 
kicking-billet, while the women toss a ring. 2 "This game is played 
only by order of the Great Father Koyemshi, and is used exclusively 
to bring rain." 3 The Keres have a race in which two billets are 
kicked. The one is called a "man," the other "woman." This 
game is played for rain. "The winning stick is buried in a corn- 
field." 4 

In passing, it is interesting to state that in addition to the in- 
stances mentioned other American games, themselves in no way 
characteristic of the Pueblo, are among these people likewise 
ceremonially associated with the production of rain and fertility. 
This is the case, for example, with the Zuni dice game described by 
Mrs. Stevenson. 5 As Dr. Spinden kindly informs me, the great cere- 
monial game of the Rio Grande Tewa connected with germination 
is the shinney game. 

In the Hopi Flute ceremony the cylinder and annulet or wheel 
are important ceremonial features. This ceremony is, as is well- 
known, complementary to the Snake-Antelope ceremony, with 
which it alternates annually. The desire for rain as the controlling 
motive of the ceremony appears not only in its correlation to the 
Snake-Antelope ceremony, but also by virtue of its own features. 

In the Walpi Flute ceremony the Flute Priests, led by their 
chief, leave the village on the seventh day. They take with them 
paho-offerings as well as cylinders and annulets. At various springs 
they deposit the pahos and, after having stayed out all night, start 
back for the village on the following day. At the entrance of the 
village they encounter a line of meal placed across the trail. This 
is the symbolic way of closing the trail. The Flutes meet the Bear 
Chief and the Antelope-Snake Chief, who stand on the other side of 
the line of meal with a boy and two girls. The Flutes wish to enter 

1 86, p. 469. 

* 86, p. 493-4; 5. P- 696-7. 

3 85, p. 345-6. 

4 5, p. 668. 

5 85, p. 328 et seq.; 86, p. 480 et seq. 



4 2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

the village. The Bear Chief replies that if the Flutes are the good 
people they pretend to be, they can bring rain. Thereupon the 
Flute Chief gives to the boy a cylinder on a stick and to each girl an 
annulet. The cylinder and the annulets correspond exactly to those 
used in the Snake-Antelope ceremony. The trail is now "opened" 
by erasing the obstructive line of meal and the Flute band enters 
the village. 1 Fewkes considers this rite to be a dramatization of a 
purely historical event, namely of the coming of the Flute people 
to Old Walpi and their reception by the Bears and Snakes. 2 If 
this really should be the correct genetical explanation, the promi- 
nence of the secondary assimilation of the idea of fertilization would 
be all the more remarkable. The symbolic significance of the rites 
in question is, aside from what may have given the primary his- 
torical impetus, quite unequivocal. 

The magical meaning of the annulets used in the Flute ceremony 
is also brought out by the fact that one or more live water-insects 
are bound into the flag-leaves of which they are made. 3 The same 
trend of associations is evidently involved, when duck feathers are 
attached to the cylinders and rings, the duck being conceived by 
the Hopi as a rain-bringing animal. 

On the ninth day of the Walpi Flute observance a boy per- 
sonating Alosaka, the counterpart, as we have seen, of Piiukon, 
the war-god, two Flute girls, one Flute boy, several priests, and a 
warrior go to Tawapa ("Sun-spring"). Here one of the priests 
wades into the water, plants a paho in the bed of the spring, and 
brings out a handful of mud. This he smears on the cylinder and 
annulets, which have been whitened before the band left the kiva. 
Mud and dirt have for the Hopi an association with fertility, as 
might be demonstrated in detail in a discussion of the clowns or 
"mud-heads" and their various rites. When departing from the 
spring, Alosaka draws four cloud symbols in meal on the ground. 
The procession proceeds from one symbol to the next led by the 
two Flute girls and the one Flute boy. The girls carry each an 

' 53, p. 281-3. 

2 S3. P- 287; 47, p. 591-2; 48, p. 401. 

3 38, p. 131-2. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 43 

annulet on a stick, the boy carries a cylinder. The children ad- 
vance by throwing their respective objects upon a meal symbol, 
picking them up and then proceeding to the next symbol to repeat 
the performance. The rest follow. As the procession marches to 
the village, it halts at intervals to repeat the performance. At the 
so-called "kisi" in the village plaza the final act of the whole Flute 
ceremony takes place. The kisi is a lodge made of cottonwood 
boughs. Here the procession halts and sings. The participants 
close the performance by depositing offerings, gourd vessels filled 
at the spring, and the cylinder and annulets just discussed in the 
kisi-shrine. 1 It is important to mention that the kisi is erected 
over the plaza shrine, since this shrine is spoken of as an entrance to 
the underworld. This reminds us of what has already been said 
of the underworld as the place of fertility and the abode of the gods 
of germination, to which ceremonial sipapus and springs offer a 
passage of communication. 

The Shipaulovi variation of the spring and kisi rite of the Flute 
ceremony is equally suggestive. Before the procession to the 
village, a priest personating Omowuh, the God of Rain-clouds, 
merges into the spring, plants pahos in the bed thereof, and brings 
up two bundles, which have been deposited there at a previous oc- 
casion. The contents of each bundle are as follows: "a planting- 
stick, three long black pahos, two annulets, one cylinder, two spheri- 
cal water gourds with a string netting." 2 These objects are, like 
at Walpi, deposited in the kisi by Omowuh. 3 

Similar offerings are made in the one day ceremony (tawa 
baholawa) of the Oraibi Drab Flute society. At this occasion 
imitated corn-ears, pahos, food-balls, black annulets and black 
cylinders with attached duck feathers are deposited at various 
shrines and springs. 4 

Since springs and at least some of the shrines are regarded as 
passages to the underworld, as sipapus in the broader sense of the 
word, I cannot help but correlate directly the various offerings just 

1 53. P- 285-6; 21, p. 141. 

2 38, p. 137- 
3 3 8. p. 147. 

4 93, p. 129-33. 



44 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

described with those that are deposited in the sipapn of the cere- 
monial chambers. Essentially the same concepts seem to be in- 
volved as when the Zuni deposit a diminutive dart and ring game, 1 
grains of corn, and squash and melon seeds in the sipapn of a cere- 
monial chamber and pray for rain, prosperity and general well- 
being. 2 

The final act of the Hopi Niman Katcina is of interest with 
reference to the ceremonial use of the cylinder and annulet, as well 
as to the idea of the sipapii. The Niman is the last Katcina cere- 
mony of the year. In fact, it celebrates the annual departure of the 
Katcinas from the Hopi villages. The Katcina, the clan-ancients 
and workers for fertilization are supposed to stay with the Hopi from 
the winter to July. They are led back to their traditional home by 
their leader, Eototo, the germ god, the ruler of the underworld. 
Personators dramatize this departure by leaving the village over 
the western trail, which is supposed to lead to the traditional home 
of the Katcinas, the entrance to the underworld and the place 
where the sun sets. 3 

During the early part of the Niman small black cylinders and 
annulets like those of the Flute ceremony are made. The cylinders 
are tied to the wrists of the Heheakatcinas 4 in the public dances. 5 
The annulets are used in the final rites under discussion. 6 After 
cloud symbols have been drawn at the hatchway of the main kiva, 
Eototo, carrying a planting-stick, and three Katcinas enter the 
plaza at sunrise and take a stand at the four sides of the sky-hole 
of the kiva. One of the priests of the kiva stands on the ladder, 
being only partly emerged from the hatchway. He throws sacred 
meal towards the north where Eototo stands. When the meal 
touches his garment, Eototo lays his annulet on a cloud symbol. 
After repeated sprinkling of meal by the priest, Eototo finally 

1 This game, as we shall see presently, is played ceremonially for rain and fertility. 
= 85, p. 247. 

3 49, p. 19-20. 

4 These Katcinas have a marked phallic association. 

5 38, p. 72. 

6 The observations of Fevvkes were made in Walpi and Shipaulovi and are com- 
plementary: see 38, p. 89 et seq., and p. 100 et seq. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 45 

passes the ring down into the kiva. The same performance is 
repeated towards the other three sides where the Katcinas stand. 
The annulet offerings are laid before the altar. The whole series of 
performances is then repeated with water which the men outside 
pour into a bowl held by the man on the ladder. In return pahos 
are offered to Eototo and the Katcinas. During all this time two 
priests down in the kiva sit by the sipapu, the opening to the under- 
world, chant, rattle, and occasionally knock on this sacred orifice. 

In the Tusayan Mamzrauti ceremony a paho consisting of a 
black stick to which a black annulet of twisted flag-leaves is at- 
tached is thrown into a spring. It is said to be an offering to 
Miiyinwii, the God of Germination. 1 

In the preceding discussions we have repeatedly spoken of 
small cylinders and their associations among the Hopi with the idea 
of fertilization. They are frequently, as we have seen, associated 
complementarity according to sex with annulets or wheels. This 
association, interesting as it may be psychologically, reveals no 
evidence with reference to the historical genesis of the phenomena. 
The cylinders are also used alone as kicking billets in races for rain 
and the wheels are likewise used independently. We have no evi- 
dence whatsoever for the historical genesis of either cylinder or 
annulet. On the other hand, however, we have direct evidence of 
the psychological associations pertaining to them among different 
tribes. This objective evidence shows that morphologically 
similar and obviously diffused cultural phenomena, such as the 
wheel, are assimilated in different cultural units by different psy- 
chological concepts and that the acculturation is determined by 
the quality of the setting of the individual cultural unit. We have 
already mentioned the association of the wheel among the Huichol 
with the chase. The Navajo associate it with the healing of the 
sick. 2 The corresponding Hopi and Zuni concepts have been dis- 
cussed in detail. 

The same point appears with great clearness in the case of the 
dart and hoop game. This game has a huge area of distribution in 

1 24, p. 228-9. ' 
2 81, p. 238. 



46 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

America, as described by Culin. 1 Due to the relative complexity 
of the phenomenon and the continuity of its occurrence, no one 
doubts the historical homogeneity of the game even if it be found 
among so many heterogeneous American tribes. 

Can we find an explanation of its origin? Culin believes he 
has found a plausible one by identifying the hoop with the netted 
shield or "water-shield" of the Twin Gods of War. "The expla- 
nation of the origin and significance of the game of hoop and pole 
rests largely upon the identification of the hoop. The netted gaming 
hoop is readily seen to be the same as the netted shield, one of the 
attributes of the twin War Gods ... of Zuni mythology." 2 
Culin here interprets the genesis of an objective cultural phenomenon 
— the hoop and pole game — by the accessory and specific psychologi- 
cal association — the hoop of the game with the shield of the god — 
which this phenomenon has found in one particular area. The 
choice of the association of one particular area from the great num- 
ber of actual associations found in other areas is in itself arbitrary. 
But even if the area of the particular association in question were 
co-extensive with the total area of occurrence of the game, it would 
be unmethodological to use this association as an explanation of 
the origin of the objective phenomenon of the game as we have no 
criteria to prove the primary nature of this association. An asso- 
ciation of this kind admits of no historical interpretation, but implies 
a psychological problem, which, it would seem to my mind, is of the 
greatest importance. 

Within the wide area, in which the hoop and pole game occurs, 
we find comparatively small cultural units, which are characterized 
by a definite and singular complex of concepts associated with the 
game. The fact that the hoop and pole game is subject to different 
psychological assimilations in different cultural units cannot be 
understood "kulturhistorisch," as Graebner conceives this term, 
but only from the standpoint of the psychology of cultural setting. 
In the following I shall attempt to show that in the Plains and among 
the Hopi the hoop and pole or dart are found associated with two 
entirely distinct complexes of ideas. 

'5, p. 420-527. 2 5. p- 422-3. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 47 

The buffalo hunt, the characterizing feature of the culture of 
the Plains, predetermines, so to say, the associations of the hoop 
and pole or ring and javelin game. Speaking of the Ankara, 
Skidi, and Wichita, Dorsey says it is part of the ceremonial calling 
of the buffalo. 1 The Cheyenne call the game the "buffalo-game." 2 
The Skidi and Arikara say that the sticks of the game were origi- 
nally buffalo bulls, while the ring was a buffalo cow. 3 A very com- 
mon and characteristic myth motive of the Plains tells of a poor, 
but wonderful boy who saves his people from starvation by a 
hoop-and-dart game magic. He shoots an arrow at the rolling 
wheel and at once the wheel changes into a buffalo and the arrow 
kills it. This he can repeat at will. 4 

In Tusayan, on the other hand, the hoop and pole game is 
ceremonially associated with the idea of the fertilization of the 
fields. This is brought out clearly in the public dances of the 
women's ceremonies of Walpi and Oraibi. Of these we have good 
information on the Oraibi and Walpi Mamzrauti, the Oraibi and 
Walpi Owakulti, and the Walpi Lalakonti. The public dance on 
the last day of all these ceremonies offers but slight variations of a 
general type. Since these variations, however, bring out the points 
under consideration with especial clearness, a brief description of 
them all may be of interest. 

In the public dance of the Walpi Owakulti the women of the 

society form a ring on the plaza, facing each other. They hold 

basket trays with the concave side towards the center. 

Two girls, dressed to personate the Owakulti maids, enter the plaza after the 
others have begun their songs. On the ground before them they roll netted 
hoops at which they throw objects made of corncobs with attached feathers. 
These girls also carry bundles of basket trays which they cast among the specta- 
tors who struggle for their possession. 5 

The feathered darts are those commonly used in this game. Before 

being used in this public performance, the two hoops hang over the 

idol of the Owakulti maid of the kiva altar." 



1 16, p. 7. 

2 62, p. 163 and 170. 

3 14, p. 344; 16, p. 94. 

4 14, p. 85; 62, p. 170-1; 54, p. 148-9; 13- P- 370-1. 

6 50, p. 223. 6 50. p. 21S. 



4§ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

In the Oraibi Oaqol ceremony J the two Oaqol-manas are dressed 
in the kiva. The other female participants file out of the kiva and 
form a dance circle on the plaza. The chief priestess and three 
other women each carry a netted gourd vessel, all the others have 
trays like those used at Walpi. In the kiva the two manas in the 
meantime take the wheels and feathered darts from the altar, 
begin their game by rolling the wheels over the floor of the kiva and 
shoot the darts at them. This performance they repeat after 
having ascended to the plaza. The chief priest has by this time 
placed a bundle of trays in the center of the dance circle. The 
women of the circle begin to sing and dance. The trays are held 
with the concave side towards the center of the circle. The two 
Oaqol-manas roll their wheels, shoot at them, pick up the imple- 
ments, and repeat the performance. This they continue around 
the circle until they finally enter it. Here they open the said bundle 
and throw the trays in different directions outside of the circle. 
The men scramble for their possession. 

In the Walpi Mamzrauti the women form on the plaza a semi- 
circle open towards the east. In this case they hold, instead of 
trays, slab pahos with characteristic designs of rain clouds and of 
conventionalized corn ears. 2 Two maids are dressed to represent 
male personages and are equipped with bow and arrow. They 
begin their performance in the kiva by throwing a bundle of corn- 
husk and then shooting their arrows at it. 3 This they continue on 
the plaza. When they have reached the circle of dancers, they 
throw their bundle into it and shoot their arrows at it once more. 
Finally, they throw little nodules of sweet cornmeal and water from 
the circle to the spectators outside who scramble for their posses- 
sion. 4 The act of shooting is said "to typify lightning striking in 
the corn-field, an event which is regarded as the acme of fertili- 
zation." 5 

In the Oraibi Marau ceremony the maids are again dressed as 

1 92, p. 41-43. 

2 24, p. 240. 

3 23, p. 91. 

4 24, p. 238-9. 
6 24, p. 238-9. 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 49 

men, representing two archers and two lancers. The archers are 
equipped with bow and arrows and have a bundle consisting of 
squash, melon, bean, and other vines. 1 Each lancer on the other 
hand has a long stick or lance and a simple ring without netting. 2 
The women of the dance circle are supplied with cornstalks. The 
two archers are the first to emerge from the kiva. They advance 
while shooting their arrows at the bundle of vines. In this way 
they make their way around the circle and finally enter it. They 
are followed by the two lancers, who throw their long sticks re- 
peatedly at the rings. When the lancers arrive at the dance circle, 
they throw their sticks and wheels over the dancers into the circle. 
At the close of the dance the archers and lancers throw balls made 
of sweet-corn meal and water from the inside of the circle to the 
spectators who scramble for them. After the departure of the 
dancers the cornstalks left by them on the plaza are also eagerly 
gathered up by the spectators. 3 

In the Walpi Lalakonti, finally, the women dancers again 
form a horseshoe-shaped figure in the plaza and sing. 4 Each 
dancer carries a flat basket. Two women dressed exactly alike are 
led forth from the kiva by a priest. With sacred meal he draws 
on the ground two parallel lines crossed by a third one. This 
figure Fewkes refers to at another place as a rain-cloud symbol. 5 
The two women throw ears of corn with attached feathers into this 
figure. Repeating the drawing of the figure and the throwing of 
the corn the priest and the two women advance toward the ring of 
dancers. The last figure is drawn inside of the circle. The final 
act consists in throwing trays to the spectators. 

The Hopi women's dances, of which but small parts have been 
very briefly indicated by me, show an identical setting and offer 
good objects for interpretation by way of comparison. The public 
performances in the various villages show identity of pattern, 
while the minute variations are significant for an understanding of 

1 5, p. 426. 

2 87, plate 22. 
» 87, p. 65-7- 

4 22, p. 128. 

5 26, p. 118. 



50 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

the psychological setting. Thus we find that the women of the 
dance circle use in strictly analogous phases of the rites basket 
trays, cornstalks, and slab-pahos with rain symbols interchange- 
ably. Balls of cornmeal take the place of trays as cherished gifts 
of the maids to the spectators. Again the maids shoot either at a 
bundle of cornhusks, at gaming wheels, or at a bundle of squash, 
melon, and bean vines. The variation in which they throw ears of 
corn on rain cloud symbols is not less significant. The meaning 
of these rites is absolutely unmistakable and is accentuated by 
contrast when the ideas associated with the hoop and dart in the 
Plains are compared with those borne out in these women's dances 
of the Hopi. 

The characteristic individuality of the Pueblo culture has al- 
ways been tacitly recognized and has been ascribed in a vague way 
to environmental factors. This tacit recognition is, however, I 
think, of no scientific value. The phenomena involved are in reality 
open to scientific analysis, by which alone we can gain a compre- 
hension of the psychological setting in question. In the fore- 
going considerations I have attempted an analysis of this kind by 
delineating definite phases of the culture of the Pueblo which show 
the characterizing psychological trend of this culture and the in- 
dividuality of its setting. This individuality has been indicated 
heuristically by a catch-word, — " the idea of fertilization." 

My considerations have been restricted to a limited number of 
phenomena which seemed to me to bring out the problems in point 
especially strikingly. Anyone who is familiar with the culture of 
the Pueblo Indians will, however, recognize at once that the same 
points which I have discussed might be further illustrated by nu- 
merous other examples and might be extended to other phases of 
Pueblo life. To state but one instance, the whole question of mak- 
ing and sacrificing prayer sticks, — a problem which in itself when 
studied in detail would suffice to justify the use of the term "idea 
of fertilization," — has been neglected by me altogether. 

The scope of our considerations may be summarized very 
briefly as follows : The idea of Sky-father and of his complement, 
Earth-mother, which, when considered independently, is by no 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 5 1 

means restricted to the Pueblo, gains its characteristic connota- 
tions through the associations into which it enters in this culture. 
Important associations of this kind appear in the myths of the 
Snake society of the Hopi. The same idea is also associated with 
that of parturition and of the emergence of the people through the 
sipapu. A further link in the chain of associations is the idea of the 
sipapu as a lagune and of springs as the natural passages of com- 
munication with the gods of the underworld and of fertility. The 
water serpent is the deity of the fertilizing water of these springs, 
as well as God of the Underworld, the place of germination. The 
deceased return to the underworld whence they work for rain and 
fertility in the behalf of the living. This belief is an important 
psychological factor in the Katcina cult, without explaining its 
origin historically. The Twin War Gods offer a similar example 
of secondary psychological associations. These gods and their 
societies are associated with war, on the one hand, and with the idea 
of fertilization, on the other. Their weapons are simultaneously 
weapons of war and symbols of fertilization. The unequivocal 
meaning of the hoop or annulet, whether it be associated with the 
Twin War Gods or not, is always that of fertilization of the fields. 
Finally, the dart and wheel game, which is the game par excellence 
of the war-gods, is employed in the women's dances of the Hopi as 
magic of fertilization. The agricultural significance of this cere- 
monial use of the game among the Pueblo is especially striking 
when compared with the objectively identical, but psychologically 
heterogeneous, "buffalo game" of the Plains. 

This summary indicates the common trend or setting of the 
Pueblo culture. That this setting is not comprehensible as a 
summation of diffused elements is proven by the reinterpretation 
of heterogeneous traits according to a uniform scheme of interre- 
lated ideas. The problem of the cultural setting of the Pueblo is 
therefore a psychological one. 

The above investigations could be further elaborated by a 
thorough comparison of the psychological setting of the Pueblo 
culture with that of other culture areas with reference to the va- 
rious cultural phenomena under consideration. The intensive 



52 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

analysis would thus be supplemented by an extensive comparison. 
While this has not been altogether neglected, no attempt at com- 
pleteness in this respect has been made. The comparative points 
in question have in most cases been rather left to suggest them- 
selves by way of implication. 

Besides these limitations my considerations are incomplete in 
two other respects. 

Firstly: While the Pueblo culture itself offers unusually favor- 
able opportunities for studying the problems of cultural setting, 
the great mass of the ethnographical material from this area, es- 
pecially that from Zuni, has been collected in an unsatisfactory 
way on account of the one-sided point of view taken. Further- 
more, the published material from the Rio Grande Pueblos is very 
meager. Our knowledge of the Pueblo culture in toto lacks uni- 
formity and the objective and critical valuation of the material 
found in the literature is frequently quite impossible. These con- 
ditions have of course affected our own discussions. 

Secondly: In a very brief presentation of the analysis of com- 
plex cultural phenomena the danger is constantly present of laying 
greater stress on specific phases of a culture than the world of 
reality in its vast complexity and diversity of interrelations may 
warrant. I do not pretend to have avoided this mistake in all 
cases. I am certain, however, that this shortcoming is but of rela- 
tive importance and can be readjusted more or less accurately by 
future investigations. 

In spite of the incompleteness of the paper, I believe that the 
essential point appears with absolute clearness,— namely that the 
cultural setting of the Pueblo is not equal to the sum of imaginary 
"Kulturschichten," but involves real and objective psychological 
problems. As soon as these problems are apprehended, our vision 
can no longer be obscured by Graebner's pseudo-historical method 
of statistical inventory and alleged reconstruction. 

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haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 53 

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54 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 3 

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ID 1.4 



haeberlin] FERTILIZATION IN PUEBLO INDIAN CULTURE 55 

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VITA 

The author of this paper was born in Akron, Ohio, Sep- 
tember ii, 1890. He attended the grammar schools of Cleve- 
land, Ohio, and of Akron, Ohio. In February, 1907, he was 
graduated from the High School of the latter city. In the 
year 1910-11 he was a student of history and economics at 
the University of Heidelberg. From 191 1 to 1913 he was 
matriculated at the University of Leipzig, studying at first 
history and economics, later anthropology and psychology. 
Most of his work there was done in the history of civilization 
under Professor Karl Lamprecht, in anthropology under Pro- 
fessor Karl Weule, and in psychology under Professor Wilhelm 
Wundt. In the year 1913-14 he worked at the Royal Ethno- 
logical Museum of Berlin and studied anthropology at the 
Berlin University under Professor Eduard Seler and Professor 
Felix von Luschan. In 191 4-1 5 he was Fellow in Anthro- 
pology at Columbia University. His major subject was 
anthropology and his minor subjects were psychology and 
linguistics. In these subjects he did work under Professor 
Franz Boas, Dr. A. A. Goldenweiser, Professor J. McKeen 
Cattell, and Professor A. V. W. Jackson. In July, 1915, he 
received an appointment as Research Assistant in Anthro- 
pology at Columbia University. 



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